WAat  German 

ofRomas  Bic/tSmitR 


What  Germany  Thinks 


SIR    HERBERT    WARREN 

(President  of  Magdalen  College, 
Oxford),  to  whom  the  proofs  of 
"What  Germany  Thinks"  were 
submitted,  says  in  a  letter  to  the 
Author: — 

"I  have  just  read  two  more 
instalments  of  your  book.  I  have 
found  them  most  interesting  and 
even  exciting,  very  suggestive, 
forcible  and  cogent.  I  think  they 
will  have  very  considerable  effect." 


WHAT  GERMANY 
THINKS 

THE  WAR  AS  GERMANS  SEE  IT 


BY 

THOMAS  F.  A.  SMITH,  PH.D. 

Late  English  Lecturer  in  the  University  of  Erlangen; 
Author  of  "The  Soul  of  Germany" 


NEW  YORK 
GEORGE  H.  DORAN  COMPANY 


"3^5  \S 


CONTENTS 

CHAP.  PAGE 

I. — ^The  Causes  of  the  War       .        .        .        i 
II. — On  the  Leash        .... 
III. — ^The  Dogs  let  loose 
IV. — Mobilization  .... 

V. — Wars  and  Rumours  of  WarsJ 


15 
39 
69 

84 
VI.— The  Debacle  of  the  Social  Democrats    109 


VII. — "  Necessity  knows  no  Law  " 

VIII. — ^Atrocities 

IX. — ^The     Neutrality     of     Belgium     and 
Germany's  Annexation  Propaganda 

X. — SaIGNER  a   BLANC     .... 

XI. — ^The  Intellectuals  and  the  War 
XII. — The  Literature  of  Hate 
XIII. — "  Man  to  Man  and  Steel  to  Steel  " 
Index     


151 
175 

190 
223 
256 
290 

319 
333 


331284 


WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 


CHAPTER  I 

THE    CAUSES    OF   THE    WAR 

IN  many  quarters  of  the  world,  especially  in 
certain  sections  of  the  British  public,  people 
believed  that  the  German  nation  was  led  blindly 
into  the  World  War  by  an  unscrupulous  military 
clique.  Now,  however,  there  is  ample  evidence 
to  prove  that  the  entire  nation  was  thoroughly 
well  informed  of  the  course  which  events  were 
taking,  and  also  warned  as  to  the  catastrophe  to 
which  the  national  course  was  certainly  leading. 

Even  to-day,  after  more  than  twelve  months 
of  devastating  warfare,  there  is  no  unity  of  opinion 
in  Germany  as  to  who  caused  the  war.  Some 
writers  accuse  France,  others  England,  while  many 
lay  the  guilt  at  Russia's  door.  They  are  only 
unanimous  in  charging  one  or  other,  or  all  the 
powers,  of  the  Triple  Entente.  We  shall  see 
that  every  power  now  at  war,  with  the  exception 
of  Germany  and  Italy,  has  been  held  responsible 
for   Armageddon,   but   apparently   it   has   not   yet 

I 


2  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

occurred  to  Germans  that  the  bearer  of  guilt  for 
this  year's  bloodshed — is  Germany  alone  ! 

It  is  true  that  the  conflict  between  Austria 
and  Serbia  forms  the  starting  point.  Whether  or 
not  Serbia  was  seriously  in  the  wrong  is  a  matter 
of  opinion,  but  it  is  generally  held  that  Austria 
dealt  with  her  neighbour  with  too  much  heat  and 
too  little  discretion.  Austria  kindled  the  flames 
of  war,  but  it  was  Germany's  mission  to  seize  a 
blazing  torch  and  set  Europe  alight. 

When  the  text  of  Austria's  ultimatum  became 
known,  a  very  serious  mood  came  over  Germany. 
There  was  not  a  man  who  did  not  reahze  that  a 
great  European  War  loomed  on  the  horizon.  A 
well-organized,  healthy  public  opinion  could  at 
that  period  have  brought  the  governments  of  the 
Germanic  Powers  to  recognize  their  responsi- 
bility. Had  the  German  Press  been  unanimous, 
it  might  have  stopped  the  avalanche.  But  there 
were  two  currents  of  opinion,  the  one  approving, 
the  other  condemning  Austria  for  having  thrown 
down  the  gauntlet  to  Serbia  and  above  all  to 
Russia. 

One  paper  exulted  over  the  statement  that  every 
sentence  in  Austria's  ultimatum  "  was  a  whip-lash 
across  Serbia's  face  ; "  a  phrase  expressing  so  aptly 
the  great  mass  of  popular  opinion.  This  expression 
met  with  unstinted  approval,  for  it  corresponded 
with  German  ideals  and  standards  in  dealing 
with  an  opponent.  Yet  there  was  no  lack  of 
warnings,   and   very   grave   ones    too.      A    glance 


THE  CAUSES   OF  THE  WAR  8 

at    German  newspapers  will   suffice  to  prove  this 
statement. 

On  July  24tli,  "  191 4,  Krupp's  organ,  the 
Rheinisch-Westfdlische  Zeitung,  contained  the 
following  :  "  The  Austro-Hungarian  ultimatum 
is  nothing  but  a  pretext  for  war,  but  this  time 
a  dangerous  one.  It  seems  that  we  are  standing 
on  the  verge  of  an  Austro-Serbian  war.  It  is 
possible,  very  possible,  that  we  shall  have  to  ex- 
tinguish East-European  conflagrations  with  our 
arms,  either  because  of  our  treaties  or  from  the 
compulsion  of  events.  But  it  is  a  scandal  if  the 
Imperial  Government  (Berlin)  has  not  required 
that  such  a  final  offer  should  be  submitted  to  it 
for  approval  before  its  presentation  to  Serbia.  To- 
day nothing  remains  for  us  but  to  declare  :  '  We 
are  not  bound  by  any  alliance  to  support  wars 
let  loose  by  the  Hapsburg  policy  of  conquest.'  " 

The  Post  wrote  on  the  same  date  :  "  Is  that  a 
note  ?  No  !  it  is  an  ultimatum  of  the  sharpest 
kind.  Within  twenty-four  hours  Austria  demands 
an  answer.  A  reply  ?  No !  but  an  absolute 
submission,  the  utter  and  complete  humiliation 
of  Serbia.  On  former  occasions  we  have  (and 
with  justice)  made  fun  of  Austria's  lack  of  energy. 
Now  we  have  a  proof  of  energy  which  terrifies  us. 
This  '  note  '  represents  about  the  very  uttermost 
which  can  be  said  to  any  government,  and  such 
things  are  only  said  when  the  sender  of  the  *  note  ' 
has  absolutely  determined  upon  war." 

The     principal     organ     of     Germany's     largest 


4  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

political  party,  the  Social  Democrats,  contained  a 
still  more  emphatic  protest  on  July  25th.  A 
telegram  from  the  Belgrade  correspondent  of  the 
Vorwdrts  runs  :  "  Since  the  presentation  of  Austria's 
note,  public  opinion  has  become  exceedingly  serious, 
although  the  city  is  still  very  calm.  The  general  view 
held  is  that  Austria's  ultimatum  is  unacceptable  for 
a  sovereign  State.  In  Belgrade  no  one  doubts  that 
Russia  will  stand  by  Serbia.  Everyone  is  certain  that 
in  consequence  of  Austria's  excessively  sharp  tone, 
Russia  will  not  remain  inactive  should  Austria  resort 
to  armed  force.     The  populace  is  prepared  for  war." 

In  view  of  the  subsequent  attitude  of  Germany's 
Social  Democrats,  an  official  proclamation,  pub- 
lished in  all  their  seventy-seven  daily  papers  on 
July  25th,  is  of  supreme  importance.  At  that 
date  they  had  apparently  no  doubt  whatever  as 
to  the  guilty  party.  The  change  of  front  in  the 
Reichstag  on  August  4th  would  seem  in  the  light 
of  this  proclamation,  as  nothing  other  than  a 
betrayal  of  conscience.  Further,  the  split  which 
has  arisen  in  their  ranks  during  the  war  leads  to 
the  supposition  that  Liebknecht,  Kautsky  and 
Bernstein  have  been  troubled  by  the  inward  voice. 

This  is  the  full  text  of  the  proclamation  as  it 
appeared  in  the   Vorwdrts : 

"  An  Appeal !  The  Balkan  plains  are  still 
steaming  with  the  blood  of  thousands  of  murdered  ; 
the  ruins  of  desolate  towns  and  devastated  villages 
arc  still  smoking  after  the  Balkan  War  ;    hungry, 


THE  CAUSES  OF  THE  WAR  5 

workless  men,  widowed  women  and  orphan  children 
arc  still  wandering  through  the  land,  and  yet  again 
Austria's  Imperialism  unchains  the  War  Fury  to 
bring  death  and  destruction  over  all  Europe. 

"  Even  if  we  condemn  the  doings  of  the  Greater- 
Serbian  Nationalists,  still  the  wicked  war-pro- 
vocation of  the  Austro-Hungarian  Government 
calls  forth  the  most  stinging  protest.  The  demands 
made  by  this  government  are  so  brutal,  that  in 
the  history  of  the  world  their  like  has  never  been 
presented  to  an  independent  State,  and  they  can 
only  be  calculated  to  provoke  war. 

"  Germany's  proletariat,  conscious  of  its  mission, 
raises  herewith,  in  the  name  of  humanity  and 
civilization,  the  most  fervent  protest  against  this 
criminal  action  of  the  war  party  (Kriegshetzer). 
It  (the  Social  Democratic  Party)  demands  im- 
peratively that  the  German  Government  should 
exercise  all  its  influence  on  the  Austrian  Govern- 
ment to  preserve  peace,  and  in  case  this  infamous 
war  cannot  be  prevented  then  to  abstain  from  any 
warlike  interference.  No  single  drop  of  blood 
of  a  single  German  soldier  may  be  sacrificed  to 
gratify  the  lust  for  power  of  the  Austrian  autocracy, 
the    Imperial   profit-interests. 

"  Comrades  !  we  call  upon  you  to  give  expression 
to  the  working-classes'  unshakable  will  for  peace 
in  mass  meetings.  This  is  a  serious  moment, 
more  solemn  than  any  in  the  last  few  decades. 
There  is  danger  in  delay.  A  world  war  threatens 
us.    The  ruling  classes  who  enslave,  despise  and 


«  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

exploit  you  in  times  of  peace  desire  now  to  misuse 
you  as  cannon-fodder.  From  all  sides  the  cry 
must  ring  in  the  ears  of  those  in  authority : 
We  don't  want  war  !     Down  with  war  ! 

"  Long  live  international  brotherhood  ! 

"  Berlin,  July  25 th,  191 4. 

"  The  Leaders  oj  the  Party'' 

Two  days  later  the  Leifziger  Tageblatt  an- 
nounced that  the  Public  Prosecutor  had  com- 
menced proceedings  against  the  editors  of 
Vorwdrts  for  having  distributed  the  above  appeal 
in  pamphlet  form  in  the  streets  of  Berlin.  From 
this  fact  we  may  conclude  that  the  charges  thrown 
out  by  the  Social  Democratic  Party  were  by  no 
means  congenial  to  the  plans  of  the  German 
Government. 

The  Liberal  Berliner  Tageblatt  (July  24th), 
gave  its  unreserved  support  to  Austria's  action. 
"  The  Austrian  Government  has  voiced  its  de- 
mands in  a  calm  and  serious  tone  which  contains 
nothing  offensive  to  the  Serbian  monarchy. 
Everyone  who  has  considered  the  results  of  the 
inquiry  into  the  tragedy  of  Serajewo,  and  the 
burrowing  of  Serbian  propagandists  in  Austria, 
must  give  his  absolute  sanction  to  the  latter's 
demands.  Much  as  every  right-thinking  man  must 
desire  that  peace  should  be  preserved,  still  he  must 
admit  that  Austria  could  not  have  acted  otherwise." 

Even  the  Vossische  Zeitung^  the  organ  of  army 
circles,    was    more    conservative    in    its    judgment. 


THE  CAUSES  OF  THE  WAR  7 

In  the  issue  for  July  24th  a  leading  article  runs  : 
"  It  cannot  be  denied  that  nearly  every  point 
raised  by  Austria  in  her  note  is  an  encroachment 
on  Serbia's  sovereign  rights.  Austria  appears  as 
the  policeman,  who  undertakes  to  create  order 
in  Serbia,  because  the  Serbian  Government, 
according  to  Austria's  claim,  is  unable  to  hold 
in  check  those  *  subversive  elements  '  within  its 
frontiers,  which  disturb  Austria's  peace.  But  only 
in  this  manner  can  Austria  protect  herself  against 
the  criminals  who  are  sent  from  Serbia  to  the 
territories  of  the  Hapsburg  monarchy.  No  con- 
sideration whatever  can  be  shown  to  Serbia,  as 
Austria's  first  duty  is  self-defence." 

In  the  German  Press  two  widely-differing 
opinions  found  expression  with  regard  to  the 
equity  of  Austria's  demands,  but  the  Press  and 
people  were  unanimous  in  believing  that  if  these 
demands  were  ruthlessly  pressed  home  they  could 
only  lead  to  a  European  conflagration. 

In  view  of  this  latter  danger,  national  opinion 
was  again  divided  into  two  camps :  the  first  against 
war,  the  second  determined  to  support  Austria 
and  pursue  the  path  chosen  by  the  Berlin  Govern- 
ment, no  matter  what  the  consequences  might 
be.  The  latter  party  included  the  vast  bulk  of 
the  nation  ;  and  Chauvinism  dominated  in  the 
Press,  theatres,  concert-halls,  churches  and  music- 
halls.  "  Patriotic  "  demonstrations  were  held 
before  Austrian  consulates,  in  restaurants  and 
coffee-houses.     The  Berlin  Government  was  over- 


8  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

whelmed  with  telegrams  from  all  kinds  of  bodies 
— especially  those  with  a  military  colouring,  such 
as  veterans'  clubs,  societies  of  one-year  volunteers, 
university  societies,  etc. — calling  upon  it  to  defend 
Germany's  honour  against  Slavonic  murder  and 
intrigue.  In  short,  all  Germany  gave  itself  up 
to  a  veritable  Kriegsrausch  (war  intoxication) 
which  found  expression  in  the  wildest  attacks  on 
Russia  and  a  perfervid  determination  to  see  the 
matter  through,  should  Russia  venture  to  inter- 
vene in  any  way  to  protect  Serbia  from  whatever 
measures  Austria  thought  proper  to  take. 

It  is  little  to  be  wondered  at  that  Russia  in  face 
of  this  spontaneous  outbreak  did  take  military  pre- 
cautions, for  all  Germany  made  it  perfectly  clear 
that  no  kind  of  intervention  on  Russia's  part  in 
the  Austro-Serbian  dispute  would  be  tolerated 
by  Germany.  It  is  true  that,  late  in  the  day, 
Austria  avowed  that  she  had  no  intention  of  annex- 
ing Serbian  territory,  a  declaration  which  Germans 
did  not  believe,  and  certainly  one  which  Russia 
had  no  reason  to  accept  after  Austria's  annexion 
of  Bosnia  and  Herzegowina  in  1908. 

Furthermore,  Austria  gave  Russia  every  reason 
to  cherish  suspicion  as  to  her  intentions.  On 
July  25th  Austria  issued  official  orders  for  the 
mobilization  of  eight  of  her  sixteen  army  corps, 
in  addition  to  which  a  part  of  the  Landsturm  was 
called  up.  The  corps  mobilized  were  :  one  each 
in  Upper  and  Lower  Austria,  Dalmatia,  Buda-Pest, 
Croatia    and    Bosnia    and    two    Bohemian    corps. 


THE  CAUSES   OF  THE  WAR  9 

Three-eighths   of   the   forces  called   up  were  thus 
placed  very  near  to  the  Russian  frontier. 

Vienna  was  wild  with  war-enthusiasm  which 
found  expression  in  demonstrations  lasting  all 
through  the  night,  July  25-26th.  Austrian 
officers,  who  have  always  been  hated  by  the 
populace,  were  cheered,  embraced  and  carried 
shoulder-high  wherever  they  were  met.  The  effect 
which  this  had  in  Berlin  may  be  seen  from  the 
Berliner  Tageblatt  of  July  26th :  "  An  enormous 
mass  of  people  gathered  before  the  Russian  Em- 
bassy last  night  between  the  hours  of  twelve  and 
one.  The  crowd  howled  and  hissed,  and  cries 
were  raised  :  '  Down  with  Russia  !  Long  live 
Austria  !  Down  with  Serbia  !  '  Gradually  the 
police  cleared  the  masses  away." 

Russia  ignored  the  incident,  but  when  about 
a  hundred  Frenchmen  demonstrated  before  the 
Austrian  Embassy  in  Paris  at  exactly  the  same 
time,  the  Ambassador  at  once  protested  at  the 
Quai  d'Orsay  and  the  Director  of  the  French 
Foreign   Office   immediately   apologized. 

On  the  whole  the  reports  of  excesses  in  various 
parts  of  Germany  against  any  and  all  who  dared 
to  show  any  anti-war  sympathies  proves  clearly 
that  the  blood-lust  aroused  by  the  German 
Government's  policy  had  already  passed  beyond 
the  control  of  the  authorities.  In  Munich  one 
of  the  most  modern  coffee-houses  (Cafe  Fahrig) 
was  completely  gutted  because  the  proprietor 
endeavoured    to    keep     the     demonstrants    within 


10  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

reasonable  bounds.  Serbs  and  Russians  were 
attacked  and  ill-treated.  One  such  incident  oc- 
curred at  mid-day,  Sunday,  July  26th,  in  Munich, 
of  which  a  full  description  is  given  in  the 
Miinchen-Augsburger  Abendzeitung  for  the  following 
day. 

A  few  days  later  (August  2nd)  the  Princess 
Cafe,  Berlin,  was  demolished  because  the  guests 
believed  that  there  were  Russians  in  the  band.  In 
Hamburg  on  the  following  day  a  newly-opened 
restaurant  was  completely  destroyed  because  a 
young  Dane  had  failed  to  stand  up  when  the 
national  hymn  was  being  played.  "  Yesterday  a 
young  Dane  remained  sitting  during  the  singing 
of  the  national  hymn,  for  which  reason  the  persons 
in  the  hall  became  greatly  excited.  *  Russian, 
stand  up  !  '  was  shouted  to  him.  In  the  same 
moment  blows  began  to  rain  down  upon  him,  so 
that,  streaming  with  blood,  he  was  carried  out." 
{Berliner  Zeitung  am  Mittag,  August  4th.) 

These  are  only  a  selection  of  many  such  incidents 
which  show  that  the  national  brutishness  was 
appearing  through  the  veneer.  In  the  light  of 
such  events  where,  on  German  soil,  Germans 
murderously  attacked  their  fellow-countrymen  on 
such  ridiculous  pretexts,  it  requires  little  imagina- 
tion to  explain  the  outburst  of  brutality  against 
Belgians  who  dared  to  defend  hearth  and  home. 

Meanwhile  the  smaller  party  which  desired  peace 
had  not  been  entirely  idle.  On  July  28th  the 
Social  Democrats  held  thirty-two  mass   meetings 


THE  CAUSES   OF  THE  WAR  11 

in  Berlin  to  protest  against  war.  "  The  attend- 
ance was  in  every  case  enormous,  but  the  meetings 
were  all  orderly  and  calm.  The  police  had  taken 
extensive  precautionary  measures.  The  speakers 
were  mostly  members  of  the  Reichstag  or  the 
Berlin  Town  Council.  Throughout  they  were 
guilty  of  the  most  fiery  and  tactless  attacks  on 
Austria,  to  whom  alone  they  ascribed  the  guilt  jot 
the  warlike  developments.  Each  meeting  adopted 
a  resolution  against  war.  The  chief  of  pohce  had 
forbidden  all  processions  or  demonstrations  to  take 
place  after  the  day  before.  In  spite  of  this,  many 
of  the  Socialists  who  had  attended  these  meetings 
tried  to  form  processions,  especially  in  Unter  den 
Linden.  As  large  bodies  of  troops  had  closed  the 
streets,  small  parties  of  the  Socialists  managed  to 
reach  the  Linden  by  means  of  trams  and  omnibuses. 
At  about  10  p.m.  hisses  and  cries  of  '  Down  with 
the  war  party !  '  were  heard  before  the  Cafe 
Kranzler.  In  a  moment  the  number  of  Democrats 
swelled  to  large  proportions  and  the  workmen's 
Marseillaise  was  struck  up,  followed  by  a  short, 
sharp  order.  The  mounted  police  advanced  with 
drawn  swords  against  the  rioters  ;  the  air  was  filled 
with  shouts  and  cries  of  PJui  I  (Shame  !).  On  the 
other  side  of  the  road  the  crowd  sang  the  national 
hymn.  The  masses  clashed  together,  and  the 
police  advanced  again  and  again  till  the  street  was 
cleared.  At  the  corner,  however,  the  Socialists 
formed  up  again,  and  began  to  demonstrate  anew, 
80  that  the  police  were  compelled   to  attack  them 


12  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

without  any  consideration  in  order  to  preserve  the 
peace.  They  cleared  the  pavements  and  galloped 
up  the  promenade.  Again  the  cry  echoed  '  Down 
with  war  !  '  and  as  answer  came  '  die  Wacht  am 
Rhein.'  But  it  was  some  considerable  time  before 
the  struggle  ceased  to  surge  to  and  fro."  {Milnch- 
ner-Augsburger  Abe7idzettu?ig,  July  29th.) 

Thus  the  great  Socialist-International-Pacifist 
movement,  with  four  and  a  quarter  million  German 
voters  behind  it,  fizzled  out  on  the  pavements  of 
Unter  den  Linden.  Probably  there  were  demon- 
strations in  other  parts  of  Germany,  but  this  much 
is  certain,  that  the  members  of  Catholic  and  Pro- 
testant Arbeiterverbdnde  (Workmen's  Societies) 
held  meetings  and  demonstrated  in  favour  of  war. 
On  the  other  hand  the  Women's  Union  of  the 
German  Peace  Society  in  Stuttgart  sent  a  telegram 
to  the  Kaiser,  begging  him  in  the  name  of  "  millions 
of  German  mothers  "  to  preserve  the  peace. 

The  most  interesting  protest  against  the  war 
movement  is  undoubtedly  the  following  :  "  This, 
then,  is  the  cultural  height  to  which  we  have 
attained.  Hundreds  of  thousands  of  the  healthiest, 
finest,  most  valuable  forces  in  the  nation  are 
trembling  from  anxiety  that  chance,  or  a  nod  of 
Europe's  rulers,  malevolence,  or  a  fit  of  Sadism,  a 
CiEsar-madness  or  a  business  speculation,  an  empty 
word  or  a  vague  conception  of  honour,  will  drive 
them  to-morrow  out  of  their  homes,  from  wife  and 
child,  from  all  that  which  they  treasure  and  have 
built  up  with  so  much  pain  and  trouble — into  death. 


THE  CAUSES  OF  THE  WAR  18 

The  mad  coincidence  may  arise  to-day,  may  call 
them  to-morrow,  or  at  any  minute,  and  all,  all  of 
them  will  go — obeying  damnable  necessity,  but  still 
obeying.  At  first  they  will  whine  on  seeing  their 
bit  of  earthly  happiness  snatched  away,  but  soon, 
however — although  their  consciences  may  not  be 
quite  clean — they  will  be  possessed  by  the  general 
frenzy  to  murder  and  be  murdered."  Franz 
Pfemfert  in  die  Aktion. 

Although  this  article  appeared  on  August  ist, 
it  had  evidently  been  written  before  the  proclama- 
tion of  martial  law.  It  was  one  of  the  last  political 
articles  which  the  paper  published,  for  the  next 
number  but  one  contains  the  announcement  that 
"  the  Aktion  will  in  future  only  publish  articles  on 
art  and  literature."  The  reasons  are  not  far 
to  seek. 

In  justice  to  the  pacifist  elements  it  must  be 
stated  that  they  were  up  against  bayonets.  The 
only  pity  is  that  British  public  opinion,  or  any 
section'  of  it,  had  been  led  to  believe  that  it  could 
ever  have  been  otherwise.  Austria  had  committed 
an  unpardonable  act  of  provocation,  which  at  first 
reasonable  opinion  in  Germany  openly  condemned. 
Simultaneously  the  German  Government  set  in 
motion  an  avalanche  of  racial  feeling  to  play  off 
against  the  just  and  moderate  measures  taken  by 
other  powers  to  checkmate  Austrian  aggression. 
In  addition  to  the  racial  hostility,  which  had  been 
lashed  into  bitterness  during  the  spring  of  191 4, 
came    Germany's    morbid    conception    of   national 


14  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

and  personal  honour.  Lastly  the  fear  of  a  Russian 
invasion  was  astutely  inoculated  into  the  nation. 

It  is  the  author's  firm  conviction,  and  the  mili- 
tary events  in  Poland  and  Galicia  have  only  strength- 
ened this  opinion,  that  from  the  very  beginning 
Germany  could  have  prevented  any  Russian 
invasion  of  her  territory,  but  she  did  not  desire 
that  end,  but  rather  that  the  fear  of  Russia  should 
complete  the  "  Kriegsrausch "  of  the  German 
nation.  After  frightening  the  people  the  Berlin 
Government  struck  its  blow  in  the  direction  of  their 
political  ambitions — to  the  West,  and  after  the 
Russians  had  been  allowed  to  penetrate  German 
territories  they  were  hurled  over  the  Eastern 
frontiers  at  the  end  of  August.  While  the  Kaiser 
was  sending  peaceful  telegrams  to  Petrograd  and 
Vienna,  the  Press  was  full  of  horrible  pictures  of 
Cossack  barbarism  and  the  dread  terrors  of  the 
Russian  knout,  both  of  which — the  public  was  led 
to  believe — were  about  to  strike  Germany. 

In  this  manner  the  Kaiser  and  his  advisers  created 
a  national  psychology  which  left  open  only  two 
alternatives  :  the  absolute  humiliation  of  Russia 
and  the  consequent  hegemony  of  Germany  in 
Europe — or  war. 


CHAPTER  II 

ON     THE     LEASH 

RUSSIA  gave  the  world  to  understand  by  an 
official  declaration,  issued  on  Friday,  July 
24tli,  1 91 4,  that  she  was  not  an  indifferent,  but 
a  keenly  interested  spectator  to  the  Austro-Serbian 
conflict.  On  the  following  day  Russia's  declaration 
was  published  in  almost  the  entire  German  Press, 
and  from  that  moment  the  same  Press  was  flooded 
with  all  kinds  of  attacks  directed  against  the  Eastern 
neighbour.  Russia  was  frankly  told  to  mind  her 
own  business — the  quarrel  did  not  concern  her 

The  German  public  immediately  accepted  this 
point  of  view,  so  that  every  subsequent  move  on 
Russia's  part  appeared  in  the  light  of  an  unwarrant- 
able offensive.  Undoubtedly  the  Bismarckian 
tactics  of  publishing  inspired  articles  in  all  parts 
of  Germany  were  employed,  and  their  colouring 
left  no  doubt  on  the  public  mind  that  the  much- 
talked-of  Slavonic  danger  had  assumed  an  acute 
form. 

A  request  on  Russia's  part,  made  on  July  25th, 
that  the  space  of  time  (forty-eight  hours)  allowed  to 

15 


16  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

Serbia  for  an  answer  should  be  extended,  only 
increased  popular  irritation  in  the  Germanic 
Empires.  This  irritation  was  accompanied  by  an 
unmistakable  bellicose  spirit  which  called  forth  its 
natural  counterpart  in  Petrograd. 

Nevertheless  the  fact  remains  that  up  till  July  25th 
Russia  had  only  asked  for  time,  and  the  reply  given 
by  the  Berlin  mob  (?)  during  the  following  night, 
was  echoed  throughout  Germany.  The  view  that 
Russia  had  no  right  to  interest  herself  on  behalf  of 
Serbia  (passing  over  Russia's  right  to  preserve  the 
newly-established  balance  of  power  in  the  Balkans) 
is  untenable.  If  Canada  had  a  quarrel — just  or 
unjust — with  the  United  States,  it  would  be  ridicu- 
lous to  assert  that  England  had  no  right  to  intervene. 

This  was,  however,  not  the  first  occasion  on  which 
Germany  had  advanced  so  preposterous  a  claim. 
During  the  tariff  conflict  between  Germany  and 
Canada  some  years  ago,  a  wave  of  indignant  anger 
went  over  the  whole  Fatherland,  because  England 
ventured  to  interfere. 

In  any  case,  during  the  last  week  before  war  broke 
out,  the  German  Government  succeeded  in  imposing 
upon  public  opinion  the  feeling  that  the  quarrel 
was  a  racial  one  ;  together  with  the  conviction  that 
Russia  was  interfering  in  order  to  protect  a  band  of 
murderers  from  just  punishment,  and  had  neither 
rights  nor  interests  at  stake  in  the  quarrel.  This 
conspiracy  succeeded,  but  the  whole  German  nation 
must  still  be  held  responsible  for  the  outbreak  of 
war,  because,  as  has  been  shown  in  the  preceding 


ON  THE  LEASH  17 

chapter,  the  nation  had  already  been  warned  by 
newspapers  of  various  political  parties.  They  had 
been  plainly  told  that  Austria  had  exceeded  the 
limits  of  all  diplomatic  dealings  between  two 
sovereign  States,  and  that  Austria's  provocation 
could  easily  kindle  a  world  war. 

Warnings  and  truths  were  alike  forgotten,  and  the 
voices  which  uttered  them  were  now  raising  another 
hue  and  cry.*  Racial  hatred  was  ablaze ;  the 
warlike  instincts  of  a  military  people  were  calling 
for  action,  and  a  diseased  conception  of  national 
honour  was  asking  why  Berlin  did  not  act  against 
the  Russian  barbarians.  In  one  paper  the  author 
remembers  reading  a  violent  demand  for  action 
against  Russia  before  the  national  ardour  had  time 
to  cool  down. 

On  July  26th  Austrian  mobilization  was  in  full 
swing,  and  Russia  admittedly  took  precautions  of  a 
similar  nature  soon  after  that  date.  We  may  be 
sure  that  Russia  understands  her  neighbours  better 
than  the  inhabitants  of  the  British  Isles  understand 
them.  In  1909  she  had  suffered  a  severe  diplo- 
matic defeat  and  corresponding  loss  of  prestige, 
because  she  could  only  use  words  in  dealing  with 
Germany  and  Austria.f     Now  she  was  faced  with 

•  The  last  mention  of  Austria  as  the  guilty  party  is  the  account  of 
the  Social  Democratic  demonstrations  in  Berlin  on  July  28  th  ;  reported 
in  the  papers  of  the  following  day. 

t  "  The  interests  of  Russian  and  German  imperialism  have  con- 
tinually clashed  during  the  last  ten  years,  and  more  than  once  Russia 
has  had  to  beat  a  retreat  before  Germany's  threats."  Dr.  Paul  Lensch, 
member  of  the  Reichstag,  in  his  "  German  Social  Democracy  and  the 
World  War,"  p.  35.     Published  by  "  Vorwarts  Co."  Berlin,  1915. 

2 


18  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

the  alternative  of  withdrawing  from  her  declared 
attitude  (July  24th)  or  taking  measures  of  a  military 
character.  In  order  not  to  sacrifice  her  position 
as  a  European  power  and  her  special  position  as 
the  leader  of  the  Slavonic  peoples,  Russia  chose  the 
latter  course,  the  only  honourable  one  open  to  her. 

German  papers  and  public  speakers  retorted  that 
Russia  is  the  patron  and  protector  of  assassins — a 
calculated  distortion  of  the  facts  intended  to  have 
due  effect  on  public  opinion.  On  all  sides  it  was 
said  that  Russia  had  given  Serbia  secret  assurances 
of  help  which  caused  her  to  become  stiff-backed 
and  unrepentant.  Fortunately,  it  is  possible  to 
refute  the  accusation  through  the  pen  of  a  German 
journalist,  who  described  Belgrade's  desperate 
position  on  July  25th,  the  day  when  the  ultimatum 
expired. 

"  At  last  the  inhabitants  of  Belgrade  have  become 
aware  of  their  serious  situation.  '  We  are  lost ! 
Russia  has  left  us  in  the  lurch  !  '  is  being  shouted  in 
the  streets.  Journalists,  who  at  2.30  p.m.  had 
assured  me  that  Russia  had  intervened  in  Vienna 
with  success,  succumbed  now  to  the  general  de- 
pression. The  people  believe  that  they  have  been 
betrayed  and  sold  ;  rumours  of  assassination  pass 
from  mouth  to  mouth.  The  ministerial  council 
has  been  characterized  by  violent  recriminations, 
ending  in  blows.  Others  asserted  that  the  Crown 
Prince  Alexander  had  been  stabbed  by  a  leader  of 
the  war-party.  Another  whispers  that  King  Peter 
is  dying  from  an  apoplectic  fit  or  as  the  result  of 


ON  THE  LEASH  10 

an  attentat.  The  reports  become  wilder,  and  each 
increases  the  dread  of  some  unutterable,  imminent 
catastrophe. 

"  The  streets  are  crowded  with  terror-stricken 
citizens.  Curses  resound  on  all  sides,  Certainly  a 
most  unusual  struggle  is  going  on  between  the  two 
parties  for  peace  and  war.  Shortly  after  three 
o'clock  it  seems  to  be  settled  that  Austria's  demands 
will  be  fulfilled.  It  is  true  the  mobilization  decree 
has  been  posted  up  on  all  public  buildings,  but  that 
means  nothing.  We  still  have  nearly  three  hours  in 
which  all  can  be  righted.  How  will  this  gallows- 
respite  be  employed  ? 

"  It  is  four  o'clock.  Messengers  rush  from  one 
Embassy  to  the  other.  In  the  coffee-houses  the 
rumour  goes  round  :  '  Italy  is  our  saviour  in  distress.' 
Cries  of  '  shame  !  '  against  Russia  are  raised,  while 
the  '  vivas  I '  for  Italy  sound  louder  and  louder. 
The  crowd  marches  to  the  Italian  Embassy,  but  are 
received  with  long  and  astonished  faces.  No  !  there 
is  nothing  to  hope  for  from  Italy.  Next  they  go 
to  the  French  Embassy ;  now  there  are  about 
two  thousand  of  us.  Another  disappointment !  A 
young  diplomat  receives  the  thronging  masses  and 
talks  empty  nothings,  including  a  great  deal  about 
France's  sympathy  for  Serbia.  But  in  this  dark 
hour  sympathy  is  of  no  avail.  Downcast  and  silent, 
the  people  go  next  to  the  representative  of  Albion 
— ^who  declines  to  appear. 

"  The   confusion   in   the   minds   of   the   masses 
caused   by   the   Government's  indecision  increases 


20  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

from  minute  to  minute ;  indescribable  scenes 
are  witnessed  before  the  General  Post  Office. 
It  is  alleged  that  thousands  and  thousands  of  tele- 
grams have  arrived  from  Russia,  begging  the 
members  of  Serbia's  royal  family  not  to  give  way 
to  Austria.  It  may  easily  be  possible  that  the 
Russian  telegrams  all  emanate  from  one  person 
and  have  been  forged,  in  order  to  counteract  the 
disposition  to  yield  on  the  part  of  the  royal  family. 
Without  doubt  both  the  King  and  Crown  Prince 
have  lost  all  personal  influence  on  the  final  decision. 
They  are  being  slowly  carried  along  by  the  con- 
flagration-party which  obtained  the  upper  hand 
soon  after  four  o'clock."* 

This  picture  gives  no  support  to  Germany's 
accusation  that  Russia  had  stiffened  Serbia  into 
resisting  Austria's  unacceptable  demands.  It 
rather  leads  one  to  consider  that  an  action  which 
drives  a  weak  nation  to  arrive  at  a  decision  on  so 
awful  an  issue  in  so  short  a  time,  is  an  action  dis- 
creditable to  a  stronger,  and  impossible  on  the 
part  of  a  morally  great,  power.  If  Serbia  chose 
wrongly  in  refusing  to  bite  the  dust,  then  the 
guilt  is  still  chargeable  to  Austria  for  forcing  her 
little  neighbour  to  take  a  choice  in  haste.  Sir 
Edward  Grey  emphasized  in  his  speech  of  July  27th 
the  shortness  of  the  time  which  all  the  Powers 
had  had  at  their  disposal  to  formulate  a  plan,  by 
which  the  conflict  could  be  restricted  to  the  East, 
or  amicably  settled. 

•  Miinchen-Augsburger  Abendzeiiung,  July  28th. 


ON  THE  LEASH  21 

The  leaders  of  the  Germanic  States  had  pur- 
posely willed  it  so.  Several  unsuccessful  attempts 
had  been  made  to  break  up  the  Triple  Entente, 
the  only  barrier  to  the  Germanization,  i.e,,  Prussian- 
ization,  of  Europe,  and  in  the  tragedy  of  Serajewo 
the  Central  Powers  (or,  at  least,  the  dominating 
factor  of  the  two)  believed  they  had  found  a 
lever  with  which  to  break  down  the  opposition 
by  diplomacy.  If  that  failed  an  immediate  appeal 
to  the  sword  should  follow.  The  diplomatic 
forty-eight  hours'  coup-de-main  failed,  and  the 
programme  contained  no  other  item  except  war. 
In  a  few  words  this  means  that  the  dastardly 
crime  of  Princip  and  his  fellow  conspirators  was 
exploited  by  Germany,  acting  through  Austria,  to 
disturb  the  European  balance  of  power  under  the 
guise  of  a  just  vengeance. 

Sir  Edward  Grey  formulated  and  circulated 
his  conference  proposal  on  the  next  day,  July  26th. 
Some  persons  to  whom  I  spoke  at  the  time  wel- 
comed the  idea ;  they  belonged  principally  to  the 
lower  middle  classes.  One  well-known  Pan- 
Germanist  (Dr.  Beckmann,  professor  of  history 
in  Erlangen  University)  said  that  the  proposal 
was  an  admission  of  a  diplomatic  defeat  and  a  sign 
that  the  Entente  Powers  were  afraid  to  draw  the 
sword.  If  the  three  Powers  in  question  were 
prepared  to  pocket  this  smack  in  the  face,  then 
Germany  would  be  satisfied,  because  such  a  defeat 
would  mean  that  the  Triple  Entente  would  never 
be  able  to  work  together  again. 


2i  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

It  is  interesting  to  compare  with  this  opinion 
those  of  two  leading  newspapers : 

(i.)  "We  understand  that  the  German  Govern- 
ment is  not  absolutely  hostile  to  England's  en- 
deavours to  bring  about  a  mediation  between 
the  contending  Powers  by  those  not  directly 
interested  in  the  conflict.  But  the  German 
Government  makes  its  participation  in  the  media- 
tion dependent  upon  whether  Austria-Hungary 
would  accept  this  procedure,  and  in  which  respect 
Austria  wishes  the  mediation  to  follow.  The 
German  Government  cannot  support  any  action 
which  Austria-Hungary  does  not  desire,  as  that 
would  mean  exercising  pressure. 

"  From  Sir  Edward  Grey's  declaration  in  the 
House  of  Commons  it  is  clear  that  he  was  not 
thinking  of  mediation  between  Austria  and  Serbia, 
but  between  Austria  and  Russia.  This  shade  of 
meaning  requires  attention.  We  think  that  any 
attempt  at  mediation  between  Austria  and  Serbia 
would  have  no  prospect  of  success,  because  in 
Vienna  they  do  not  seem  inclined  to  accept  such 
an  action.  Diplomatic  relations  have  not  been 
broken  off ;  the  Russian  Minister  for  Foreign 
Affairs  confers  still  with  the  Austrian  Ambassador, 
and  it  is  not  easy  to  see  why  the  other  Powers 
should  not  further  this  discussion  in  a  mediative 
sense. 

"  But  then  Sir  Edward  Grey  gave  his  idea  more 
exact  form  and  proposed  a  conference  between 
the  German,  Italian  and  French  ambassadors  and 


ON  THE  LEASH  28 

himself.  This  conference  of  ambassadors  is  to 
seek  a  basis  for  an  agreement  and  then  submit 
the  result  to  the  cabinets  in  Vienna  and  St.  Peters- 
burg. In  his  yesterday's  speech  he  emphasized 
the  point  that  no  hostilities  mav  take  place  till 
the  conference  has  concluded  its  work. 

"  Here,  of  course,  is  the  difficulty  which  mars 
his  plan,  for  it  is  questionable  whether  Austria 
will  consent  to  a  postponement  of  her  military 
operations.  Negotiations  concerning  Sir  Edward 
Grey's  proposal  are  at  present  occupying  the 
cabinets,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  a  means  will 
be  found  to  make  it  acceptable  to  the  Powers  most 
interested  in  the  conflict."* 

(2.)  "  Germany  not  only  cherishes,  in  a  pla tonic 
manner,  the  desire  of  the  Western  Powers  to  pre- 
vent the  conflict  between  Austria  and  Serbia 
spreading  to  the  great  Powers,  but  the  Berlin 
cabinet  has  already  been  active  in  more  than  one 
European  capital  in  favour  of  a  mediation  which 
will  secure  European  peace.  In  this  respect  we  are 
pleased  (Man  begrilsst  es  hier)  that,  in  consequence 
of  Sir  Edward  Grey's  initiative,  the  mediation  idea 
has  assumed  an  official  form  and  is  open  for  public 
discussion.  There  is,  however,  reason  to  doubt 
whether  a  conference  between  four  great  Powers 
as  an  organ  for  the  mediation  is  the  most  suitable 
way  out  of  the  difiiculty.  Everyone  is  quite 
agreed  that  the  details  of  the  Austro-Serbian  con- 
flict,   which    concerns    these    two    States     alone, 

•  Berliner  Tageblatt,  July  aSth. 


24  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

cannot  be  brought  before  the  forum  of  a  con- 
ference ;  but  as  regards  the  removal  in  good 
time  of  any  difficulties  which  may  arise  between 
Austria  and  Russia,  the  question  must  be  raised 
as  to  whether  the  Governments  of  these  States 
are  willing  to  entrust  an  official  mediation  to  a 
conference  of  four  other  great  Powers.  For  the 
success  of  the  mediation  proposal  it  would  be 
more  practical  if  the  means  to  this  end  were  made 
as  simple  as  possible,  and  that  use  was  made  of  the 
current  diplomatic  discussions,  in  immediate  com- 
munication with  the  capitals  of  the  Empires  in 
question,  in  order  to  carry  through  a  mediatory 
action  to  the  result  desired  on  all  sides. 

"  In  the  employment  of  these  means  Germany 
would  not  fail  to  support  the  Western  Powers 
as  she  has  already  done  up  to  the  present."* 

I  have  carefully  searched  the  official  publica- 
tions of  the  Central  Powers  (Germany's  White 
Book ;  Austria's  Orange  Book),  and  can  find 
no  record  in  them  of  any  pacific  action  on  Ger- 
many's part  in  either  of  the  European  capitals ; 
hence  the  claims  made  in  the  above  article  seem 
to  be  an  exaggeration. 

It  appears  incredible  that  these  Powers  should 
have  omitted  to  give  proof  of  such  action  when 
making  their  case  pubhc  for  the  sole  purpose  of 
proving  their  innocence  before  the  world.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  impression  given  by  these 
books  is  that  Germany  and  Austria's  attitude  was  : 

*  Kolniscbe  Zeitung^  July  28th. 


ON   THE  LEASH  85 

To  Serbia  :  The  conditions   must  be  accepted  ad 
hoc  to  the  smallest  tittle  and  comma. 
Alternative,  war. 
To  Russia  :  What    we    have    determined  upon    is 
unalterable    and    inevitable,    and    you 
must  submit  to  this  decision.     Alter- 
native, war. 
The  Gorlitzer  Nachrichten  published  the  follow- 
ing  paragraph  on  July  30th  :    "  Vienna,  July  29th. 
After  having  made  inquiries  in  official  circles,  the 
morning      papers      make      this      announcement : 
Count   Berchtold  has  informed   the   English  Am- 
bassador that  the  Austro-Hungarian   Government 
is    grateful    for    Grey's    mediation    proposal,    and 
appreciates    the    good    intentions    of    the    British 
Government.     A  peaceful  solution  of  the  conflict 
with  Serbia  is,  however,  no  longer  possible,  as  the 
declaration  of  war  had  already  been  signed." 

Before  leaving  this  all-important  episode,  it 
is  instructive  to  compare  three  other  versions  of 
the  reason  for  refusing  a  conference.  Sir  Edward 
Grey  mooted  the  proposal  for  a  conference  to  the 
ambassadors  in  London  on  Friday,  July  24th. 
On  the  afternoon  he  requested  the  British  Am- 
bassador in  Berlin  to  propose  the  conference  to 
the  German  Government. 

In  spite  of  this,  document  No.  12  in  the  Ger- 
man White  Book,  a  telegram  from  the  German 
Chancellor  to  Prince  Lichnowsky  in  London  runs : 
"  We  know  nothing  here  of  a  proposal  from  Sir 
Edward    Grey   to   hold   a    conference   of   four   in 


26  WHAT   GERMANY  THINKS 

London,  etc."  Another  telegram,  document  No. 
15,  bearing  the  same  date  and  Hkewise  from  Beth- 
mann-HoUweg  to  Lichnowsky  is  as  follows  :  "  We 
have  immediately  commenced  the  mediatory  action 
in  Vienna  in  the  sense  desired  by  Sir  Edward  Grey. 
Furthermore,  we  have  informed  Count  Berch- 
told  of  M.  Sasonow's  desire  to  communicate  with 
him  direct."* 

The  next  document  in  the  German  White 
Book  is  dated  July  28th.  It  is  a  telegram  from 
the  German  Ambassador  in  Vienna  to  the  German 
Chancellor  in  Berlin.  "  Count  Berchtold  begs 
me  to  express  his  thanks  to  you  for  communicating 
the  English  mediation  proposal.  He  replies,  how- 
ever, that  in  consequence  of  the  commencement 
of  hostilities  by  Serbia  and  after  the  declaration 
of  war  which  has  meanwhile  been  made  he  must 
look  upon  England's  step  as  being  too  late." 

In  the  Austrian  Orange  Book,  p.  122,  we 
find  this  passage  in  a  telegram  from  Count  Berch- 
told to  the  Austrian  representative  in  London  : 
"  When  Sir  Edward  Grey  speaks  of  the  possibility 
of  avoiding  an  outbreak  of  hostilities  he  is  too 
late,  for  yesterday  Serbians  shot  at  our  frontier 
guards,  and  to-day  we  have  declared  war  on  Serbia." 

There  are  two  points  in  these  telegrams  which 
require  explanation.  Firstly,  why  should  Sir 
Edward    Grey's   proposal   take   so   long   to   reach 

•  This  message  leads  to  the  assumption  that  direct  communication! 
between  Vienna  and  Petrograd  had  already  ceased,  although  the  Koln- 
iscbe  Zeitung  told  the  German  public  on  the  following  day  that  the/ 
had  not. 


ON  THE   LEASH  27 

Vienna.  Apparently  it  took  from  Monday  to 
Wednesday  to  go  by  telegram  from  London  via 
Berlin  to  Vienna.  Two  German  newspapers 
(already  quoted)  knew  of  this  conference  idea  on 
the  27th  of  July  and  commented  upon  it  in  their 
morning  editions  of  the  following  day. 

The  other  point  is  the  Austrian  statement  that 
Serbia  commenced  hostilities.  If  this  were  the 
case,  one  would  expect  that  Austria-Hungary,  in 
declaring  war  subsequently  to  the  alleged  shooting 
by  Serbians  at  frontier  guards,  would  make  mention 
of  the  acts  as  a  casus  belli.  On  p.  117  of  the  Red 
Book  the  text  of  the  declaration  of  war  is  given  in 
full,  but  there  is  no  mention  of  any  resort  to  arms 
on  the  part  of  Serbia. 

We  are  forced  to  the  conclusion  that  Germany 
and  Austria  are  mutually  responsible  for  preventing 
the  conference  ;  they  desired  war,  and  a  conference 
might  have  preserved  peace.  During  the  present 
summer  (19 15)  an  important  work  has  been 
published  in  Germany  from  which  the  following 
passage  is  taken  : 

"  Grey  thought  the  time  had  now  arrived  to 
formulate  a  mediation  proposal.  This  idea  was 
from  the  very  beginning  unacceptable  to  Austria, 
because  that  would  indirectly  be  a  recognition  of 
Russia  as  an  interested  Power  in  the  Austro- 
Serbian  conflict.  Only  those  who  have  followed 
the  development  of  mutual  obligations  between 
the  Entente  Powers  are  able  to  understand  the 
role    which    Russia's    two    comrades    (France    and 


28  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

England) — to  say  nothing  at  all  of  Italy — would 
have  played  in  this  conference.  During  its  sittings 
Russia  would  have  continued  her  military  prepara- 
tions, while  Germany  would  have  been  pledged 
not  to  mobilize.  Finally,  nobody  could  assert 
that  the  man  (Sir  Edward  Grey)  who  would  have 
presided  over  these  negotiations,  could  have  been 
impartial.  The  more  one  thinks  about  this  media- 
tion proposal  the  more  clearly  one  recognizes 
that  it  would  have  made  for  a  diplomatic  victory 
of  the  Triple  Entente."* 

Even  the  claim  that  Austria  showed  some  in- 
clination to  permit  mediation  on  the  points  in 
her  ultimatum  to  Serbia  which  were  incompatible 
with  Serbia's  sovereignty,  has  been  categorically 
denied.  The  Vienna  Fremdenhlatt  for  September 
24th,    1 914,   contains   this   official  announcement: 

"  Vienna,  September  24th.  In  a  report  of  the 
late  British  Ambassador  published  by  the  British 
Government,  there  is  a  passage  which  maintains 
that  Austria-Hungary's  Ambassador,  Count  Sza- 
pary,  in  St.  Petersburg  had  informed  Monsieur 
Sasonow,  Russia's  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs, 
that  Austria-Hungary  '  was  willing  to  submit  the 
points  in  her  Note  to  Serbia  which  seemed 
incompatible  with  Serbian  independence,  to 
mediation.' 

"  We  have  been  informed  officially  that  this 
statement  is  absolutely  untrue  ;    according  to  the 

•  Professor  Hermann  Oncken :    *'  Deutschland    und  der  Weltkrieg," 
pp.  545-6. 


ON  THE   LEASH  29 

nature  of  the  step  taken  by  the  monarchy  in  Bel- 
grade, it  would  have  been  absolutely  unthinkable. 
The  passage  cited  from  the  British  Ambassador's 
report,  as  well  as  some  other  phrases  in  the  same, 
are  evidently  inspired  by  a  certain  bias.  They 
are  intended  to  prove,  by  asserting  that  Austria- 
Hungary  was  prepared  to  yield  on  some  points  at 
issue,  that  German  diplomacy  was  really  responsible 
for  the  outbreak  of  war. 

"  Such  attempts  cannot  obscure  the  truth,  that 
Austria-Hungary  and  Germany  concurred  in  the 
wish  to  preserve  European  peace.  If  this  wish 
has  not  been  fulfilled,  and  a  European  conflict 
has  arisen  out  of  a  local  settlement,  it  can  only 
be  ascribed  to  the  circumstance  that  Russia  first 
threatened  Austria-Hungary  and  then  Germany 
by  an  unjustifiable  mobilization.  By  this  she 
forced  war  upon  the  Central  Powers  and  thus 
kindled  a  general  conflagration." 

In  dealing  with  Germany's  endeavours  for  peace 
Professor  Oncken  writes  on  p.  546  of  "  Deutsch- 
land  und  der  Weltkrieg "  (''  Germany  and  the 
World  War  ")  :  "  The  work  of  German  diplomacy 
took  the  form  of  giving  warnings  and  peaceful 
explanations."  On  July  26th  she  pointed  out 
to  the  Russian  Government  that  "  preparatory 
military  measures  on  Russia's  part  would  compel 
Germany  to  take  corresponding  steps,  viz.,  the 
mobilization  of  the  army.  Mobilization  means 
war."  Oncken  does  not  quote  any  of  the  "  peace- 
ful explanations  "  {friedliche  Erkldrungen),  and  much 


80  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

as  the  present  writer  would  like  to  fill  up  tliis  gap  in 
his  work,  he  must  admit  his  utter  inability,  because 
in  the  diplomatic  correspondence  he  can  only  find 
exasperating  threats,  thrown  out  to  Russia  hy  the 
two  Germanic  Empires. 

The  whole  problem  allows  of  a  very  simple 
digest :  On  July  23rd,  Austria-Hungary  handed 
her  ultimatum  to  Serbia,  therein  stating  her 
demands,  and  on  the  following  day  informed  all 
the  European  powers  of  her  attitude.  The  neutral 
Press  of  the  world  and  an  unusually  large  section 
of  the  German  Press,  immediately  pronounced 
Austria's  position  to  be  indefensible  and  un- 
tenable. The  German  Government,  in  spite  of 
these  facts,  gave  its  official  and  unreserved  support 
to  Austria's  attitude  on  July  26th.  After  eight 
weeks  of  war  (on  September  25th),  Austria  offi- 
cially declared  that  she  had  never  swerved  from 
her  original  claims,  nor  ever  felt  any  incHnation 
to  do  so. 

It  is  true  that  the  usages  of  everyday  life  do 
not  always  hold  good  in  diplomatic  dealings,  but 
it  is  instructive  to  state  the  case  in  the  terms  of 
everyday  affairs.  Mr.  A.  (Austria)  informs  Mr. 
B.  (Serbia)  that  he  has  a  quarrel  to  settle  with 
him  and  states  his  demands.  Mr.  C.  (Russia) 
who  is  a  relation,  patron  and  friend  of  B.'s,  inter- 
feres to  see  fair  play.  Whereupon  Mr.  D.  (Ger- 
many), a  friend  and  relation  of  A.'s,  informs  C.  in 
unmistakable  fashion  that  he  must  neither  speak 
nor  act  in   the   affair  or  he  will  be  immediately 


ON  THE  LEASH  81 

thrashed.  Messrs.  A.  and  D.  are  unanimous  in 
this  view  and  repeat  the  threat  in  mutual  form. 
Meanwhile  A.  attacks  B.  Mr.  C,  seeing  that  they 
will  not  accord  him  a  hearing,  takes  steps  to  compel 
them  to  hear  him,  at  which  point  Mr.  D.  fulfils 
his  threat  and  falls  upon  C. 

It  is  not  yet  clear  whether  Austria  would  have 
permitted  Russia  to  take  over  the  role  of  adviser 
and  second  to  Serbia  in  her  unequal  struggle  with 
Austria.  But  from  the  moment  Germany  appeared 
on  the  scene  the  situation  becomes  perfectly 
simple  :  Russia  has  absolutely  no  right  either  to 
speak  or  move  in  the  matter.  On  this  rock  of 
immovable  Germanic  obstinacy  the  Russian  ship 
of  State,  was  intended  to  meet  with  diplomatic 
shipwreck.  Should  Russia  attempt  to  avoid  this 
fate,  then  the  German  sword  could  be  trusted  to 
arrange  matters  in  the  way  desired  by  Germany. 

The  German  language  contains  a  very  expressive 
phrase,  Stimmungsmacherei,  which  means  creating 
or  preparing  a  certain  frame  of  mind.  How 
Germany's  public  opinion  was  tuned  to  the  war 
melody  is  seen  by  a  study  of  the  German  news- 
papers published  between  July  25th  and  August  1st. 
A  great  part  of  the  German  nation  had  welcomed 
Austria's  expressed  determination  to  compel  Serbia 
*'  to  lick  her  shoes,"  as  a  London  paper  put  it  at 
the  time.  Only  the  Social  Democratic  Party  per- 
sisted in  asserting  that  Austria  was  the  provocative 
and  guilty  party  down  to  the  evening  of  July  28th. 

But  three  days  earlier  the  process  of  educating 


82  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

public  opinion  against  Russia  commenced.  In  fact, 
it  required  little  tuning  to  arouse  a  national  chorus, 
which  was  swelled  subsequently  by  the  Social 
Democratic  voices,  demanding  that  Russia  too 
must  bite  the  dust. 

At  the  psychological  moment  the  terms  of  the 
alliance  between  Germany  and  Austria  were 
launched  in  the  Press.  One  paper*  wrote  :  "  It 
is  interesting  at  the  present  moment  to  call  to 
mind  how  the  treaty  existing  between  Germany 
and  Austria  regulates  the  question  of  mutual 
support."  Then  the  various  paragraphs  are  cited, 
and  the  article  concludes  :  "  That  is  to  say : 
(i.)  Assuming  Austria  attacks  Serbia,  and  Russia 
as  a  precautionary  measure  sends  troops  to  the 
Austrian  frontier  without  commencing  hostilities 
against  the  latter,  then  Germany  is  under  no 
obligation  to  intervene.  (2.)  Assuming  that  Serbia 
is  the  attacking  party,  and  Russia  gives  her  support 
by  military  measures  which  threaten  Austria, 
then  the  German  Empire  must  immediately  assist 
the  Hapsburg  monarchy  with  the  whole  of  her 
military  forces. 

'  Hence  it  all  depends  upon  who  attacks ;  the 
interpretation  of  '  attack,'  however,  is  debat- 
able both  in  politics  and  international  law.  Again 
and  again  it  has  been  asserted  that  that  Power 
which  declares  war  is  not  the  attacker,  but  the 
one  which  makes  a  continuance  of  peaceful  relations 
impossible." 

*  Munchen-Augsburger  Abendzeitung^  July  27  th. 


ON  THE   LEASH  88 

Innumerable  notices  of  Russia's  alleged  mobili- 
zation appeared  and,  probably  with  a  view  to 
encouraging  Germans  to  stand  fast,  ghastly  pictures 
of  the  weakness  and  unpreparedness  of  the  Russian 
army,  in  a  word  Russian  rottenness  and  corruption. 
Persistent  rumours  of  revolutions  in  Russia  were 
current. 

A  Vienna  telegram  published  in  Berlin*  informed 
the  German  public  that  :  "  News  received  from 
Warsaw  deny  the  rumours  that  a  revolution  has 
broken  out  in  Russian-Poland,  but  it  is  true  that 
yesterday  the  entire  citadel  in  Warsaw  was  blown 
up.  Official  Russian  reports  endeavour  to  prove 
that  the  explosion  was  caused  by  lightning.  The 
extent  of  the  damage  is  not  yet  known,  but  in  any 
case  it  amounts  to  hundreds  of  thousands  of  roubles. 
It  is  also  not  certain  whether  any  or  how  many  lives 
were  lost." 

A  few  days  later  the  German  official  organ 
Norddeutsche  Allgemeine  Zeitung  and  the  semi- 
official Kblnische  Zeitung  published  the  following 
report  of  the  explosion.  "  According  to  the  state- 
ment of  the  Governor  of  Warsaw  it  was  caused  by 
revolutionaries.  No  proof  of  this  was  forthcoming, 
therefore  it  was  ascribed  to  lightning,  and  as  nobody 
believed  this  explanation — there  was  not  a  cloud 
on  the  sky  at  the  time — the  guilt  remained  finally 
with  the  revolutionaries. 

"  Now  it  has  been  proved,  not  to  the  satisfaction 
of  the  Russian  authorities  of  course,  that  Russian 

•  Fossische  Zeitung^  July  29th. 

3 


84  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

officers  of  high  rank  blew  the  magazine  up,  because 
they  would  have  to  supply  the  troops  with  ammuni- 
tion after  the  mobilization — and  the  ammunition 
was  not  there.  The  money  for  the  same  had  found 
its  way  into  the  officers'  pockets." 

On  July  30th  the  Vossische  Zeitung  announced  : 
"  To-day  even  more  alarming  news  has  been  in  the 
air  than  in  the  last  few  days.  The  Lokal  Anzeiger 
stated  during  the  afternoon  that  an  order  for 
the  mobilization  of  the  army  and  navy  had  been 
signed  by  the  Kaiser.  On  making  inquiries  in 
official  quarters,  we  were  informed  that  the  *  news  ' 
is  false.  At  three  o'clock  Wolff's  Bureau  issued 
an  official  dementi  :  '  We  have  received  an  official 
statement  to  the  effect  that  the  news  published  in 
an  extra  edition  of  the  Berliner  Lokal  Anzeiger  that 
the  Kaiser  had  ordered  the  general  mobilization 
is  untrue.'  Great  excitement  was  caused  by  the 
Lokal  Anzeiger^s  announcement,  and  the  public 
visibly  disquieted." 

The  above  report  refers,  of  course,  to  incidents 
which  happened  on  the  preceding  day.  The 
30th  of  July  was  marked  by  the  suppression  of  three 
Berlin  papers,  including  the  Berliner  Neuester 
Nachrichten,  for  divulging  the  fact  that  the  ist, 
5th  and  17th  Army  Corps  had  been  mobilized.  An 
account  of  this  faux  pas  appeared  on  July  3 1  st  in 
the  Kreuz  Zeitung  and  concluded,  after  denying 
the  truth  of  the  mobihzation,  with  the  following 
paragraph  :  "  If  bodies  of  troops  have  been  moved 
to  various  points  of  our  Eastern  frontier,  then  it 


ON  THE  LEASH  85 

only  means  the  so-called  frontier  protection 
{Grenzschutz)^  which  has  been  made  necessary  by 
our  Eastern  neighbour  strengthening  his  customary 
frontier  guards  by  troops  of  the  line.  Frontier 
protection  is  not  generally  intended  to  prevent  a 
serious  attack,  but  means  rather  a  kind  of  police 
action." 

Two  other  passages  will  suffice  to  illuminate  the 
mobilization  question.  "  Yesterday  Russia  gave 
official  notification  in  Vienna  and  Berlin  of  mobiliza- 
tion against  Austria.  Is  it  to  be  wondered  at  that 
a  feeling  of  disquietude  is  spreading  throughout  all 
classes  of  the  nation.  By  delay  on  our  side,  valuable 
military  advantages  may  be  lost  if  the  people  once 
suspect  that  there  is  an  absence  of  that  firmness 
and  joy  of  responsibility  {Verantwortungsfreudig- 
keit)  which  marked  the  action  of  the  Austrian 
Government  and  was  hailed  with  jubilation  by  the 
German  nation. 

"  Summa  summarum  :  The  German  Government 
has  taken  honest  pains  during  the  last  week  in  show- 
ing its  peace-loving  disposition  and  in  seeking  a 
peaceful  solution  to  the  crisis.  Nevertheless  the 
political  situation  on  all  sides  and  in  every  respect, 
has  become  worse  from  day  to  day  through  the 
fault  and  according  to  the  intention  of  the  Triple 
Entente."* 

"  The  others  are  mobilizing.  We — issue  denials. 
We  deny  everything  which  might  mean  mobiliza- 
tion or   look  like  preparation  for  that  step.     It  is 

•  Knust  Zeitungf  July  31  at. 

3* 


86  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

done  for  the  sake  of  '  peace,'  so  that  Russia,  who  is 
gathering  her  national  strength  together  in  masses, 
may  not  be  offended.  Are  we  being  led  ?  We 
look  to  the  Kaiser.  The  Peace  Societies  and  some 
of  Germany's  enemies  are  looking  to  him. 

"  Can  we  remain  indifferent  in  our  hour  of  dread 
need,  when  the  gleaming  promise  of  a  bright  future 
appears  in  the  distance,  if  the  inability  to  resolve 
and  dare  has  made  Berlin  its  headquarters.  All 
efforts  are  for  '  peace '  with  honour.  But  in 
politics  one  must  be  able  to  recognize  when  it  is 
impossible  to  continue  at  peace  ;  when  peace  is 
at  the  cost  of  our  friends,  our  own  security,  and  the 
future  of  European  peace.  In  view  of  this  one  must 
be  able  to  act."* 

The  internal  tactics  of  the  German  Government 
had  been  successful  all  along  the  line.  Insignificant 
Serbia  had  dropped  out  of  the  reckoning.  Russia 
must  be  humbled.  The  German  nation,  believing 
itself  entirely  peaceful,  and  convinced  that  its 
leaders  had  done  everything  possible  for  peace, 
now  demanded  in  no  unmistakable  voice — action  ! 
mobilization  !  war  ! 

Announcements  of  mobilization  on  all  sides 
(Switzerland,  Holland,  Belgium)  doubtless  added 
to  the  popular  belief  that  Germany  desired  above 
all  things — peace.  Still,  in  spite  of  the  warlike 
spirit  of  the  nation  and  the  burning  desire  to  settle 
off  Russia  once  and  for  all,  there  was  an  under- 
current  of   overstrained   nervousness.     A  Dresden 

*  Deutsche  Zeitung^  July  3i8t, 


ON  THE  LEASH  57 

paper  of  July  30th  relates  that  between  the  hours  of 
two  and  four  on  the  preceding  afternoon  a  Berlin 
newspaper  had  been  asked  thirty-seven  different 
questions  on  the  telephone  relating  to  rumours  of 
assassinations,  mobilization,  etc. 

The  process  of  inspiring  national  confidence, 
however,  had  by  no  means  suffered  through  neglect. 
France  was  represented  as  being  unprepared  and, 
together  with  England,  desiring  only  peace.  As 
early  as  July  27th  in  the  Tdgliche  Rundschau  the 
public  had  been  told  that  Italy,  had  officially  declared 
herself  ready  and  willing  to  stand  by  the  Central 
Powers  as  an  ally. 

Even  Japan  was  used  to  stiffen  Teutonic  courage. 
The  Deutscher  Kurier  told  its  readers  in  a  telegram 
from  New  York  (?)  that  Americans  fully  expected 
Japan  to  attack  Russia  in  the  back  and  Japanese 
ministers  were  holding  conferences  all  day  and  night. 
According  to  the  Weser  Zeitung^  August  ist,  Japan 
was  arming  for  war,  while  the  Munch  en- Augshur get 
Zeitung  published  details  of  an  alliance  concluded 
between  Austria  and  Japan  in  Vienna  on  the  after- 
noon of  July  30th.  According  to  this  source  Japan 
had  pledged  herself  to  support  Austria  in  case  the 
latter  was  attacked  by  Russia,  while  Austria  declared 
her  absolute  disinterestedness  in  the  Far  East. 
On  August  1st  the  Berliner  Tageblatt  repeated  this 
legend,  but  advised  its  readers  to  exercise  reserve 
in  accepting  it. 

"  During  the  evening  (August  2nd)  the  news 
spread    in   the  streets   of    Berlin   that    Japan  was 


88  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

mobilizing  and  had  already  declared  war  on  Russia. 
Huge  crowds  flocked  to  the  Japanese  Embassy  and 
spent  hours  in  cheering  Japan,  Germany,  and  the 
Triple  Alliance."* 

Meanwhile  Russia,  having  failed  to  get  her  simple 
rights  recognized  and  knowing  that  Germany  had 
made  extensive  military  preparations,  decided  on 
July  31st  to  mobilize  her  entire  forces.  The 
German  Ambassador  immediately  informed  his 
Government  of  this  step,  and  the  Kaiser  placed 
Germany  under  martial  law.  On  the  same  day  the 
Emperor  proceeded  from  Potsdam  to  the  Imperial 
Palace  in  Berlin. 

•  Der  Montagy  Auguit  3rd. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE   DOGS    LET   LOOSE 

"  T  UST  after  three  o'clock  a  company,  at  war 
I  strength,  from  the  '  Alexander '  regiment 
marched  under  the  command  of  a  young 
lieutenant,  down  Unter  den  Linden.  Drums  were 
beaten  ;  a  huge  crowd  listened  in  solemn  silence 
as  the  lieutenant  read  the  articles  placing  the 
German  Empire  under  martial  law.  The  crowd 
was  fully  alive  to  the  awful  sternness  of  this 
historic  moment. 

"  After  the  proclamation  was  ended  a  deep  silence 
ensued,  then  a  loud  voice  cried  :  *  The  Kaiser  ! 
Hurrah !  '  Three  times  the  shout  rang  to  the 
heavens.  '  The  German  army  !  Hurrah  !  '  Once 
more  the  caps  were  swung  three  times.  The  boy- 
like lieutenant,  with  head  erect,  sword  in  hand, 
commands :  *  Attention  !  Slope  arms ! '  The 
regular  beat  of  marching  men  follows  as  they  proceed 
in  the  direction  of  the  Imperial  Residence.  Berlin 
is  under  martial  law  1  "* 

•  Dtutscber  Kuritr^  July  3  lit.  ^ 

39 


40  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

"  During  the  afternoon  enormous  masses  of  people 
collected  in  the  streets  and  open  spaces  of  Berlin. 
Unter  den  Linden,  in  expectation  of  the  Kaiser's 
return,  was  overfilled  with  excited,  waiting  throngs. 
Just  before  a  quarter  to  four  a  great  movement  was 
seen  from  the  direction  of  the  Brandenburger  Tor, 
which  spread  like  a  wave  along  the  street.  Every- 
body rushed  on  to  the  road,  and  the  police  were 
pushed  aside.  Then  the  suppressed  excitemeixt 
of  the  last  few  days  gave  vent  to  a  hurricane  of 
hurrahs  as  the  populace  greeted  their  monarch. 
The  Emperor  was  wearing  the  uniform  of  the 
Garde-Kilrassiere ;  beside  him  sat  the  Empress. 
His  countenance  was  overshadowed  by  deep  gravity 
as  he  returned  the  welcome  of  his  subjects.  At  a 
quarter  to  four  the  Kaiser  was  in  the  royal  castle, 
and  immediately  the  Imperial  Standard  was 
fluttering  aloft."* 

The  next  twenty-four  hours  are  so  full  of  fateful 
events  that  they  seem  one  big  blur  on  the  memory. 
Although  everyone  was  convinced  that  an  appeal 
to  the  sword  was  inevitable,  there  was  still  a  tense 
feeling  of  dread  expectation  hanging  like  a  cloud 
over  the  land.  During  the  whole  of  that  long  night 
the  author  was  an  observer  from  an  overcrowded 
train  which  left  Nuremberg  at  9  p.m.  and  rumbled 
dismally  into  Cologne  the  next  morning  at 
ten  o'clock.  Every  station,  great  and  small,  was 
crowded  with  anxious,  expectant  crowds ;  the 
smaller   stations    full   of   spectators    and     relatives 

•  Vossische  Zeitung,  July  3i8t. 


THE  DOGS  LET  LOOSE  41 

bidding  farewell  to  departing  soldiers,  and  the 
greater  ones  crowded  with  fleeing  tourists. 

On  the  platforms  at  Frankfort  and  Cologne  many 
tons  of  luggage  were  stacked  in  huge  piles.  It 
would  be  interesting  to  know  what  became  of  them.f 
Few  Germans  could  have  slept  that  night ;  the 
anxiety  was  too  great.  The  whole  railway  line  was 
guarded  by  patrols,  many  of  whom  were  in  civilian 
attire.  Here  and  there  a  "  field-grey "  uniform 
was  visible.  On  many  stations  armed  guards 
awaited  the  arrival  of  reservists  and  gave  them 
conduct  to  the  barracks. 

The  Kaiser  spoke  words  of  cheer  from  a  window 
of  the  royal  palace  on  Friday  evening,  after  which 
the  restless  crowd  thronged  to  the  official  residence 
of  the  Chancellor  to  receive  as  a  watchword  the 
words  which  Prince  Friedrich  Karl  had  spoken  on  a 
memorable  occasion  to  his  Brandenburger  troops  : 
"  Let  your  hearts  beat  to  God,  and  your  blows  on 
the  enemy." 

An  ultimatum  was  despatched  to  St.  Petersburg 
and  presented  at  midnight  to  the  Russian  Govern- 
ment. The  latter  was  requested  to  cancel  all 
mobilization  orders  within  twelve  hours,  or  war 
would  ensue.  Simultaneously  the  French  Govern- 
ment was  asked  what  its  attitude  would  be  in  case 
of  a  Russo-German  war.  In  these  measures  it  is 
safe  to  conclude  that  the  German  nation  was  heart 

t  The  Konigsberger  Hartungsche  Zeitung  contained  a  paragraph  on 
August  7th  to  the  effect  that  120,000  trunks  and  portmanteaux  had 
been  collected  on  Berlin  stations  alone. 


42  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

and  soul  behind  the  Government,  otherwise  the 
tremendous  outbreak  of  national  enthusiasm 
throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  land 
would  be  entirely  inexplicable. 

Throughout  the  day  the  nation  awaited,  under 
tense  strain,  an  answer  from  Russia.  "  At  five 
o'clock  the  excitement  of  the  masses  in  Unter  den 
Linden  had  increased  to  a  degree  almost  beyond 
endurance.  The  crowd  surged  from  side  to  side 
when  a  court  carriage  or  an  officer  drove  by  in  a 
motor-car.  Everyone  felt  that  the  fateful  decision 
might  fall  at  any  minute,  when  the  German 
nation  would  know  its  fate. 

"  Suddenly  motor-cars  full  of  officers  appeared 
from  the  gates  of  the  royal  residence.  They 
shouted  to  the  excited  crowd  that  the  general 
mobilization  had  been  ordered.  One  officer  waved 
his  drawn  sword,  another  his  handkerchief,  while 
others  stood  up  and  waved  their  caps.  Then  an 
indescribable  scene  of  jubilation  followed ;  the 
parole  '  mobilization '  was  passed  on  by  the  police, 
and  in  less  time  than  it  takes  to  write,  the  hundreds 
of  thousands  of  human  beings  surging  to  and  fro 
between  the  monument  to  '  Old  Fritz  '  and  the 
Lustgarten,  knew  that  Germany  would  now  speak 
with  her  sword."* 

"  Our  hour  of  destiny  has  struck  !  Germany, 
the  strongest  and  most  peaceful  nation  on  earth, 
appeals  to  the  sword.  The  last  call  which  we  sent 
across    the     Eastern    frontier    has    remained    un- 

•  Berliner  Tageblatt,  August  and. 


THE  DOGS  LET  LOOSE  48 

answered.  The  enemy  is  mute.  Now  Germany 
speaks ! 

"  The  Kaiser  calls  the  Empire  to  arms  !  Our 
King  will  lead  Bavaria's  armies  to  him.  The  nation 
is  ready,  armed  to  the  teeth.  Challenged  by  a 
dishonest  opponent  who  envies  us  the  fruit  of  our 
peaceful  toil,  the  hands  of  German  men  leave  their 
work  and  grasp  the  sword.  Our  enemy  shall  learn 
to  his  terrible  cost,  what  it  means  to  summon  a 
nation  in  arms  to  the  battlefield.  The  German 
army  goes  out  to  fight  for  our  country,  in  a  cause 
which  is  more  stainless  and  pure  than  the  light  of 
the  sun.  The  disgraceful  Muscovite  conspiracy, 
creeping  in  the  footsteps  of  Serbian  murderers, 
believes  the  moment  has  arrived  in  which  they  will 
be  able  to  fall  upon,  overthrow  and  plunder  us ; 
Russia  desires  to  kindle  a  world  war. 

"  We  believe  that  he  will  not  succeed ;  but 
should  it  thus  fall  out,  we  Germans  will  defend  not 
only  our  land  and  ourselves ;  but,  in  this  war  which 
has  been  forced  upon  us  in  the  basest  manner 
possible,  we  shall  defend  the  civilization  of  the 
world,  the  culture  of  the  earth,  against  debased 
*  unculture '  and  the  spreading  roots  of  decay. 
This  is  a  lofty  and  tremendous  task.  If  we  are 
victorious,  as  we  confidently  trust,  then  the  ever- 
increasing  number  of  civilized  peoples  honestly 
toiling  in  the  blessings  of  peace,  will  thank  us  for 
centuries  to  come. 

"  Brothers  !  Sisters  !  such  an  hour  has  come  that 
the  history  of  the  world  has  never  witnessed  before. 


44  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

In  the  struggle  which  now  begins — a  deadly  grapple 
frivolously  conjured  up  by  Russia's  monarch — 
the  whole  earth  will  groan.  The  German  people, 
however,  will  prove  that  it  is  worthy  to  retain  and 
develop  its  leading  place  in  the  intellectual  and 
cultural  progress  of  the  world.  Our  enemy  envies 
us  this  position  because  in  his  land,  stupidity  and 
confusion  reign  supreme ;  his  own  uncivilization 
and  barbarism  cannot  be  rooted  out. 

"  We  will  prevent  him  from  throwing  Europe 
back  to  the  conditions  in  which  he  and  his  likes 
dwell.  May  God  grant  that  the  civilized  peoples 
of  Europe  may  have  true  understanding  for  this 
historic  hour,  just  as  their  heroic  ancestors  under- 
stood the  danger  when  they  hurled  themselves 
against  the  invasions  of  the  Mongols. 

"  First  of  all  the  German  nation  will  march 
against  the  armies  of  the  East,  and,  hand  in  hand 
with  our  ally,  we  hope  will  so  grip  the  enemy  that 
he  will  lose  all  desire  ever  to  attack  us  again."* 

The  last  lines  of  this  perfervid  article,  give  an 
instructive  clue.  A  mere  quibble  had  arisen 
between  the  Central  Powers  and  Russia.  The 
former  immediately  adopted  an  arrogant,  even 
threatening,  attitude  which  thoughtful  Germans 
condemned.  Russia's  willingness  to  submit  the 
question  to  an  arbitration  conference  consisting  of 
four  neutral  ambassadors  seems  only  to  have 
intensified  Teutonic  lust  to  humiliate  the  opponent. 
In  any  case,  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  between 

•  Mmcheti'Au^sburger  Abendzeitung^  August  2nd. 


THE  DOGS  LET  LOOSE  45 

July  24th  and  31st  the  whole  German  nation  had 
been  converted  to  the  uncompromising  attitude  of 
the  Government. 

Further,  it  is  evident  that  the  German  people 
believed  they  were  about  to  march  against  Russia. 
The  very  last  remark  which  I  heard  from  German 
lips  as  we  entered  the  train  to  leave  Erlangen 
on  July  31st  was  :  "  Jetzt  werden  die  Russen 
abgeklopft."  ("  Now  the  Russians  will  get  a 
whacking.")* 

The  Berlin  cabinet  mobilized  Germany's  armed 
strength,  as  they  alleged,  against  Russia,  and  the 
Government  succeeded  in  arousing  and  enlisting 
national  enthusiasm  against  the  Eastern  neighbour, 
i^et  when  the  time  came  to  strike,  Germany's  might 
was  hurled  against  neutral  Belgium  and  unwilling 
France,  while  Russia  was  left  free  to  overrun  the 
Eastern  part  of  Germany.  The  blood-guilt  rests 
in  the  first  place  with  the  Kaiser  and  his  Govern- 
ment, and  in  the  second  place  (although  in  no  less 
a  degree)  with  the  German  people,  because  they 
condoned  the  crime  and  acquiesced  in  the 
duplicity. 

While  the  war  fury  seethed  through  the  nation 

*  We  left  Erlangen  at  3.30  p.m.  Martial  law  had  been  proclaimed 
iome  time  previous  to  that.  But  the  proclamation  in  Berlin  occurred 
at  3.30  p.m.  on  the  same  day.  The  Berliner  Abendblatt  published  on 
the  same  evening  states  that  the  Kaiser  had  been  waiting  and  hoping 
for  a  peaceful  answer  from  Russia.  The  Bavarian  authorities  could  not 
have  taken  so  serious  a  step  without  an  order  from  the  Highest  War 
Lord,  which  leads  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was  a  device  to  get  military 
preparation  well  under  way. 


46  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

the  cry  echoed  on  all  sides  :  "  We  want  peace  !  We 
have  worked  for  a  peaceful  solution !  "  Yet  a 
study  of  the  workings  of  the  national  mind  as 
revealed  in  the  German  Press,  and  of  diplomatic 
doings  as  shown  in  the  German  White  Book,  affords 
not  a  single  instance — excepting  the  Socialists' 
demonstrations — of  any  tangible,  concrete  effort 
made  either  by  the  German  people  or  its  repre- 
sentative diplomacy  to  avoid  a  catastrophe.  On 
the  other  hand  it  must  be  said  that  the  latter 
(German  diplomacy)  deliberately  baulked  the  only 
practical  proposal  (Sir  Edward  Grey's)  which  could 
have  brought  about  a  solution.  The  German 
nation  did  desire  peace,  but  only  on  the  condition 
that  their  opponents  granted  Germany  and 
Austria's  arrogant  claims  down  to  the  smallest 
tittle. 

Exactly  at  six  minutes  to  one  (midday)  on 
August  1st,  a  telegram  left  Berlin  instructing  the 
German  Ambassador  in  St.  Petersburg  to  declare 
war  on  Russia  at  5  p.m.  if  the  latter  State  had  not 
given  a  satisfactory  answer  to  Germany's  ultimatum 
by  that  time.  Count  Pourtales  performed  this 
duty,  and  therewith  the  sands  of  fate  ran  out. 

On  the  previous  day  summonses  had  been  issued 
calling  a  meeting  of  the  Reichstag  for  Tuesday, 
August  4th.  The  opening  ceremony  took  place 
at  I  p.m.  and  all  the  political  parties  were  present, 
except  the  Social  Democrats,  who,  according  to 
their  traditions,  did  not  appear,  and  thus  escaped 
the  famous  hand-shaking  scene.     The  Kaiser  and 


THE  DOGS  LET  LOOSE  47 

two  of  his  sons  appeared  in  field-grey  uniform.  His 
theatrical  appeal  for  the  leaders  of  each  party  to 
swear  fidelity  to  the  national  cause  by  shaking  hands 
with  him,  as  well  as  his  saying  that  "  Now  there  are 
only  Germans,"  may  have  been  spontaneous ;  but 
it  is  far  more  probable  that  they  were  meant  to  be 
a  diplomatic  appeal  to  the  sentimental  vanity  of 
the  German  nation. 

It  would  be  superfluous  to  deal  with  the  speech 
from  the  throne  in  this  place,  but  at  the  close  of 
the  ceremony  an  incident  occurred  which  deserves 
mention.  "  After  taking  leave  of  the  Reichstag's 
representatives  the  Kaiser  stretched  out  his  hand  to 
the  famous  professor  of  jurisprudence  in  Strasbourg 
University,  Dr.  van  Calker.  The  Kaiser  looked 
steadily  at  Professor  van  Calker  for  a  moment,  then, 
after  the  handshake,  clenched  his  fist  and  struck 
downwards  uttering  these  words  :  '  Nun  aber 
wollen  wir  sie  dreschen  1  '*  (*  Now  we  will  jolly  well 
thrash  them  !  ')  ;  nodded  to  the  professor  and 
walked  away."t 

The  sitting  in  the  Reichstag  was  a  solemn  event. 
On  that  occasion  the  Chancellor  expressed  himself 
at  length  in  defining  Germany's  position. 

"  A  tremendous  fate  has  fallen  upon  Europe. 
While  we  have  endeavoured  to  maintain  the  prestige 
of  the  German  Empire  in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  we 
have  lived  for  forty-four  years  in  peace  and  pro- 

•  This  utterance  has  since  become  a  common  theme  for  composition 
exercises  in  German  schools. 

t  Tdglicbe  Rundschau^  August  5  th. 


48  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

tected  European  peace.  In  this  work  of  peace  we 
have  become  strong  and  mighty — therefore  we  are 
envied.  We  have  suffered  with  long-enduring 
patience  ;  while  in  the  East  and  West,  under  the 
excuse  that  Germany  is  lusting  for  war,  hatred  for 
us  has  been  nourished  and  fetters  wrought  where- 
with to  bind  us.  The  wind  which  blows  there 
has  now  become  a  storm. 

"  We  desired  nothing  but  to  live  on  in  peaceful 
toil,  content  with  an  unspoken  oath  that  was 
echoed  from  the  Emperor  down  to  the  youngest 
recruit.  Our  sword  shall  only  leap  from  its  sheath 
in  defence  of  a  just  cause.  (Loud  applause.) 
The  day  on  which  we  must  draw  it,  has  dawned 
against  our  will  and  contrary  to  our  honest  en- 
deavours. Russia  has  set  a  burning  torch  to  the 
house  of  peace.  (Loud  cries  of  '  Quite  true.') 
We  stand  to-day  in  a  forced  war  with  Russia  and 
France. 

"  Gentlemen,  a  number  of  documents,  col- 
lected in  the  haste  caused  by  these  overwhelming 
events,  have  been  laid  before  you.  Permit  me 
to  emphasize  the  facts  which  characterize  our 
attitude. 

"  From  the  moment  that  the  Austrian  conflict 
broke  out  we  have  striven  and  worked  to  limit 
the  quarrel  to  Austria-Hungary  and  Serbia.  All 
the  cabinets,  in  particular  England,  accept  this 
view  ;  only  Russia  has  declared  that  in  the  settle- 
ment of  this  conflict,  she  must  be  allowed  to  ex- 
press   her    wishes.     Therewith     the     danger     of 


THE  DOGS  LET  LOOSE  49 

European  complications  raised  its  threatening 
countenance. 

"  As  soon  as  the  first  certain  news  of  Russian 
mihtary  preparations  reached  us,  we  caused  it 
to  be  made  known  in  St.  Petersburg,  in  a  friendly 
but  unmistakable  manner,  that  warlike  measures 
and  military  preparations  would  compel  us  also 
to  take  corresponding  steps.  But  mobilization 
is  next  to  war.  Russia  assured  us  in  a  friendly 
tone  (cries  of  indignation)  that  she  was  making 
no  military  preparations  against  us. 

"  Meanwhile  England  tried  to  mediate  between 
Vienna  and  St.  Petersburg  and  was  warmly  sup- 
ported by  us.  On  July  28th  the  Kaiser  tele- 
graphed to  the  Czar  begging  him  to  remember 
that  it  was  Austria-Hungary's  right  and  duty  to 
stop  the  Greater-Serbian  agitation,  as  this 
threatened  to  undermine  Austria's  existence. 
(Cries  of  indignation.)  The  Kaiser  pointed  out 
to  the  Czar  the  gulf  between  monarchical  interests 
and  the  outrage  at  Serajewo  ;  he  begged  him  to 
give  his  personal  support  to  the  Kaiser's  endeavour 
to  smooth  out  the  antithesis  between  Vienna  and 
St.  Petersburg. 

"  Just  before  this  telegram  came  into  the  Czar's 
hands,  the  Czar,  on  his  side,  begged  the  Kaiser  for 
his  help  :  the  Kaiser  should  advise  Vienna  to  be 
more  moderate.  The  Kaiser  undertook  the  task 
of  mediator,  but  the  action  ordered  by  him  was 
hardly  in  motion,  when  Russia  began  to  mobilize 
all  her  forces  against  Austria-Hungary.     (Excited 

4 


60  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

shouts  of  indignation  and  disgust.)  But  Austria 
had  only  mobilized  certain  army  corps  against 
Serbia,  besides  which  she  had  only  two  corps, 
and  these  were  far  from  the  Russian  frontier. 

"  At  this  juncture  the  Kaiser  informed  the 
Czar  that  the  mobilization  of  his  armies  against 
Austria  would  increase  the  difficulties  of  mediation, 
a  task  which  he  had  undertaken  at  the  Czar's 
express  wish,  and  perhaps  render  it  impossible. 
Nevertheless,  we  continued  our  mediatory  action 
in  Berlin,  and  indeed  in  a  form  which  went  to  the 
limits  permitted  by  our  alliance.  (Great  excite- 
ment.) During  this  time  Russia  renewed  her 
assurances  that  she  was  taking  no  miUtary  measures 
against  us. 

"We  come  to  July  31st.  In  Vienna  a  decision 
was  to  be  arrived  at  on  that  day.  By  our  repre- 
sentations we  had  already  brought  it  about  that 
Vienna,  which  for  a  time  was  not  in  direct  com- 
munication with  St.  Petersburg,  had  commenced 
direct  discussion  again.  But  before  Vienna  could 
come  to  a  final  decision,  the  news  came  that  Russia 
was  mobilizing — i.e.,  against  us  too — ^her  whole 
forces.  (Cries  of  indignation.)  The  Russian 
Government,  although  fully  aware  from  our  re- 
peated representations  what  a  mobilization  on 
our  frontiers  means,  did  not  notify  this  step  to 
us,  and  gave  us  no  explanations  concerning  it. 

"  As  late  as  the  afternoon  of  July  31st  a  telegram 
came  from  the  Czar  to  the  Kaiser  in  which  the 
former  pledged  himself  that  his  army  should  take 


THE  DOGS  LET  LOOSE  51 

up  no  provocative  attitude  against  us.  (Great 
excitement.)  But  the  hostile  mobiHzation  on  the 
Russian  frontier  was  in  full  swing  during  the  night 
July  30th-3ist.  While  we  were  mediating  in 
Berlin  the  Russian  armies  appeared  on  our  long 
and  almost  entirely  open  frontier.  France  was 
not  yet  mobilizing,  but,  as  she  admits,  was  already 
taking  precautionary  measures. 

"  And  we  ?  Up  till  then  we  had  not — the 
Imperial  Chancellor  spoke  with  great  emotion  and 
repeatedly  struck  the  table  while  uttering  these 
words — called  up  a  single  reservist,  out  of  a  loving 
regard  for  the  peace  of  Europe.  (Loud  cries  of 
'  Bravo  !  ')  Were  we  then  to  wait  on  in  patience 
till  the  Powers  between  which  we  are  wedged 
should  choose  their  moment  to  strike  ?  (A  hurri- 
cane of  voices,  *  No  !  ')  To  expose  Germany  to 
this  danger  would  be  a  crime.  (Stormy,  general 
and  long  continued  cries  of  '  Quite  true ! '  and 
*  Bravo  ! '  in  which  the  Social  Democrats  joined 
too.) 

"Therefore  on  July  31st  we  requested  Russia 
to  demobilize  as  the  only  measure  which  could 
save  the  European  peace.  (Loud  applause.)  The 
Imperial  Ambassador  in  St.  Petersburg  further 
received  instructions  to  inform  the  Russian  Govern- 
ment, that  in  case  our  demand  was  rejected,  we 
should  consider  ourselves  in  a  state  of  war  with 
Russia.  The  Imperial  Ambassador  has  carried 
out  these  instructions. 

"What  answer  Russia  accorded  to  our  demand 

4* 


52  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

for  demobilization  we  do  not  know  even  to-day. 
Telegraphic  announcements  on  this  point  have 
not  reached  us,  although  matters  of  far  less  im- 
portance have  been  sent  over  the  wires.  Hence, 
long  after  the  expiration  of  the  stated  time,  the 
Kaiser  saw  himself  compelled  to  mobilize  our 
forces  at  5  o'clock  on  August  ist. 

"  Simultaneously,  it  was  necessary  for  us  to 
inquire  regarding  France's  attitude.  In  answer 
to  our  definite  question  whether,  in  case  of  a 
Russo-German  war,  France  would  remain  neutral, 
the  French  Government  has  replied  that  they 
will  act  as  their  interests  dictate.  (Laughter.) 
This  was  at  least  an  evasion,  if  not  a  negative 
answer  to  our  question. 

"  In  spite  of  this,  the  Kaiser  ordered  that  the 
French  frontier  should  be  respected.  This  order 
was  strictly  obeyed  with  one  single  exception. 
France,  who  mobilized  at  the  same  time  as  our- 
selves, declared  that  she  would  respect  a  ten- 
kilometre  zone  along  her  frontiers.  (Cries  of 
indignation.)  And  what  happened  in  reality  ? 
Their  airmen  have  thrown  bombs,  cavalry  patrols 
have  violated  our  territory,  and  companies  have 
broken  into  Alsace-Lorraine.  (Indignation.) 
Therewith,  France,  although  war  has  not  yet  been 
declared,  has  attacked  our  territories. 

"  As  regards  the  single  exception  which  I  have 
referred,  I  have  received  the  following  report 
from  the  Chief  of  the  General  Staff  :  In  respect 
to  French  complaints  of  violations  of  her  frontiers. 


THE  DOGS  LET  LOOSE  58 

only  one  case  is  admitted.  Against  express  orders 
an  officer  with  a  patrol  from  the  14th  Army  Corps 
crossed  the  French  frontier  on  August  2nd. 
Apparently  they  were  shot  down  ;  only  one  man 
has  returned.  But  long  before  this  single  in- 
stance occurred,  French  airmen  had  penetrated 
into  Southern  Germany  and  dropped  bombs, 
and  French  troops  had  attacked  our  frontier- 
protection-troops  in  the  Schlucht  Pass.  Up  till 
now  our  soldiers  have  confined  themselves  entirely 
to  protecting  the  frontier. 

"  So  far  the  report  from  the  Chief  of  the  General 
Staff. 

"  We  are  now  in  a  position  of  self-defence,  and 
necessity  knows  no  law  !*  (Cries  of  *  Quite 
right  !  ')  Our  troops  have  occupied  Luxembourg, 
perhaps  they  have  already  entered  Belgium. 
(Loud  applause.)  That  is  a  breach  of  international 
law.  The  French  Government,  it  is  true,  had 
declared  in  Brussels  that  they  would  respect  Bel- 
gian neutrality  so  long  as  their  opponent  respected 
it.  But  we  knew  that  France  stood  ready  to 
invade  it.     (Cries  of  indignation.) 

"  France  could  wait,  we  could  not ;  and  a 
French  attack  in  our  flank  on  the  Lower  Rhine 
might  have  been  disastrous  for  us.  Thus  we  were 
compelled  to  ignore  the  protests  of  the  Luxem- 
bourg and  Belgian  Governments. 

"  The  injustice  which  we  commit  thereby,  we 

•  This  sentence  seems  so  important  that  I  give  the  original :  "  Wir 
eind  jetzt  in  der  Notwehr,  und  Not  kennt  kein  Gebot  1  "J 


54  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

shall  try  to  make  good  again  as  soon  as  our  military 
goal  is  attained.  Anyone  who  fights  for  the 
highest,  as  we  do  now,  may  only  think  of  how 
he  may  hack  his  way  through.  (Hurricanes  of 
applause ;  long  continued  hand-clapping  in  the 
whole  house  and  on  the  tribune.) 

"  Gentlemen,  we  are  standing  shoulder  to 
shoulder  with  Austria-Hungary.  Concerning  Eng- 
land's attitude,  the  declaration  made  by  Sir  Edward 
Grey  in  the  House  of  Commons  yesterday  has 
made  the  standpoint  which  the  English  Govern- 
ment takes  up  quite  clear. 

"  We  have  declared  to  the  English  Government 
that  as  long  as  England  remains  neutral,  our  fleet 
shall  not  attack  the  North  Coast  of  France. 
Further,  that  we  shall  not  disturb  the  integrity 
and  independence  of  Belgium.  I  repeat  this 
declaration  before  the  whole  world  and  I  may 
add  that  if  England  will  remain  neutral,  we  are 
prepared — assuming  mutual  treatment — to  under- 
take no  hostile  operations  against  France's  com- 
mercial marine.     (Applause.) 

"  Gentlemen,  so  much  for  events  up  till  now  ! 
I  repeat  the  words  of  the  Kaiser  :  '  We  enter  the 
struggle  with  a  clear  conscience  !  '  (Great  enthu- 
siasm.) We  are  fighting  for  the  fruits  of  our 
labours  in  peace,  for  the  heritage  of  a  great  past, 
and  for  our  future.  The  fifty  years  are  not  yet 
ended  within  which  Moltke  said  we  should  stand 
at  arms  to  defend  the  heritage  and  the  achieve- 
ments of  1870.     The  hour  of  great  trial  has  struck 


THE  DOGS  LET  LOOSE  55 

for  our  nation.  But  we  look  forward  to  it  with 
absolute  confidence.     (Tremendous  applause.) 

"  Our  army  is  in  the  field,  our  fleet  is  ready, 
and  behind  them  the  entire  German  nation 
(roars  of  never-ending  applause  and  hand-clapping 
in  the  whole  house) — the  whole  German  nation  ! 
(These  words  were  accompanied  by  a  gesture  to- 
wards the  Social  Democrats. — Renewed  outburst  of 
applause,  in  which  the  Social  Democrats  also  joined.) 

"  Gentlemen,  you  know  your  duty  in  its  entirety. 
The  vote  of  credit  requires  no  further  argument, 
I  beg  you  to  pass  it  quickly.     (Loud  applause.)  "* 

Unfortunately  this  eloquent  exposition  of 
Germany's  case  contains  inaccuracies  which  can 
only  be  described  as  conscious  untruths.  I  have 
already  made  myself  responsible  for  the  statement  : 
"  Lying  has  always  been  the  foundation  stone  of 
German  policy."!  Earl  Cromer,  in  commenting 
on  this,  gives  additional  evidence  of  its  veracity.! 

The  German  Chancellor,  when  he  justified  his 
policy  by  the  dictum  :  "  Necessity  knows  no 
law,"  evidently  meant  that  necessity  also  recog- 
nizes no  law  of  truth.  In  any  case,  he  remained 
faithful  to  the  traditions  of  his  country.  Although 
the  German  Press  is  both  venal  and  supine,  we 
shall  see  that  it  has  done  the  world  a  service  and 
played  its  own  Government  a  foul  trick.  (Der 
deutschen  Regierung  einen  bosen  Streich  gespielt.) 

*  Berliner  Tageblatt,  August  5  th. 

t  "  Soul  of  Germany,"  p.  192. 

X  The  Spectator,  August  7th,  1915.  p.  169 


56  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

When  Bethmann-Hollweg  was  thumping  the 
table  before  him,  and  assuring  his  immediate 
hearers  and  the  world  in  general  that  the  Berlin 
cabinet  had  not  called  up  a  single  reservist  before 
five  o'clock  on  Saturday,  August  ist,  he  was  guilty 
of  a  deliberate  falsehood.  On  July  31st,  I  left 
Erlangen  by  the  3.31  train  for  Nuremberg; 
travelling  in  the  same  train  was  Dr.  Haack,  pro- 
fessor of  the  history  of  art  in  Erlangen  University. 
He  was  accompanied  by  his  wife  and  various 
colleagues,  including  Professor  Busch,  who  bade 
him  farewell  on  the  platform.  Dr.  Haack  is  an 
artillery  reserve  officer,  and  he  was  then  going 
to  join  his  regiment.  At  8.30  p.m.  on  the  same 
day,  we  spoke  to  Frau  Haack  on  Nuremberg  station. 
The  lady's  face  was  very  tear-stained  and  she  was 
about  to  return  to  Erlangen  alone.  She  told  us 
in  a  broken  voice  that  her  husband  had  been 
called  up. 

In  "  The  Soul  of  Germany  "  I  have  given  names 
and  dates  of  other  cases.  I  do  not  propose  to 
disgrace  my  word  of  honour  by  playing  it  off 
against  the  German  Chancellor.  But  acting  on 
the  principle  of  "  Set  a  thief  to  catch  a  thief,"  I 
shall  adduce  some  instances  from  German 
newspapers. 

The  Paris  correspondent  of  the  Kblnische  Zeitung 
travelled  home  via  Brussels ;  his  adventures  are 
related  at  length  in  the  K.  Z.  for  August  4th. 
On  August  1st  he  was  in  Brussels  and  complained 
bitterly,  in  his  article,  about  the  hotel  service,  and 


THE  DOGS  LET  LOOSE  5T 

excuses  it  by  writing  :  "  The  German  waiters  had 
all  left  Brussels  the  day  before  (July  31st)  to  join 
the  army." 

An  article  dated  Strasbourg,  August  3rd,  was 
published  in  the  Frankfurter  Zeitung  on  the  6th 
of  the  same  month.  The  writer  describes  the 
martial  scenes  which  he  had  witnessed  during 
the  preceding  week,  and  mentions  that  the  officers 
in  the  garrison  had  received  a  special  order  to 
send  their  wives  and  children  away  from  the  city 
several  days  before  martial  law  was  proclaimed. 
Friday,  presumably,  the  order  came  for  the  garrison 
to  march  to  the  French  frontier,  for  on  Saturday 
the  regiments  were  entrained  and  left  Strasbourg. 
Our  good  German  friend  describes  the  scene  in 
the  streets  :  "  Alongside  the  ranks  were  the  wives 
and  children  of  the  called-up  reservists,  trying  to 
keep  step  with  the  quickly  moving  troops.  Before 
sunset  the  regiments,  all  on  a  war-footing,  had 
left  the  city." 

Every  layman  knows  that  a  reservist  cannot 
enter  a  barracks  in  civilian  attire,  and  emerge 
five  minutes  later  in  full  war-kit  ready  for  the 
march.  The  German  Imperial  Chancellor  affirms 
that  not  one  of  them  had  been  called  up  before 
five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  that  day.  It  is 
true  that  neither  the  age  of  miracles  nor  the  age 
of  lies  has  passed  away.  Perhaps  Herr  Bethmann- 
HoUweg  could  explain  why  it  was  impossible  to 
send  trunk-messages  on  Germany's  telephone 
system  during  the  last  three  days  of  July,    191 4. 


58  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

At  least,  the  local  papers  in  Bavaria  asserted  that 
that  was  the  case. 

The  Elbinger  Zeitung,  August  13th,  contained 
a  reservist's  letter  with  this  illuminating  passage  : 
"  During  the  last  few  days  everybody  was  in  readi- 
ness ;  our  linen,  etc.,  had  been  packed  and  sent  off 
in  advance.  On  Friday,  July  31st,  the  order  arrived 
that  I  should  present  myself ;  mobilization  had 
begun.  With  feelings  of  joy  I  changed  into  my 
uniform  and  rushed  to  join  my  company.  The 
streets  were  full  of  frightened  people  with  tears 
in  their  eyes.  We  officers  pressed  each  others' 
hands  and  with  ardent  glances  exclaimed  :  '  At 
last  it  has  come  !  '  " 

The  Chancellor  based  his  assertion  that  French 
troops  had  crossed  the  German  frontier,  on  the 
report  from  the  Chief  of  the  General  Staff.  This 
authority  admitted  that  German  soldiers  on 
August  2nd  (Sunday)  had  violated  the  French 
frontier  and  continues  with  these  words  :  "  But 
long  before  that  French  airmen  had  dropped 
bombs  in  Southern  Germany,  and  French  soldiers 
had  attacked  our  frontier-guards  in  the  Schlucht 
Pass." 

The  Frankfurter  Zeitung^  July  31st,  gives  Beth- 
mann-Hollweg  and  the  Chief  of  the  General  Staff 
the  lie  direct.  The  paragraph  is  dated  July  30th, 
Kolmar,  and  runs  :  "  The  Schlucht  Pass  has  just 
been  barricaded  by  German  frontier  guards.  This 
is  to  prevent  motor-lorries  and  such-like  vehicles 
from  entering  French  territory  without  our  per- 


THE  DOGS  LET  LOOSE  iO 

mission.  Several  papers  have  announced  the 
alleged  occupation  of  the  Schlucht  (gorge)  by 
French  troops.  The  report  is  an  absolute  inven- 
tion. (Die  Meldung  ist  vollig  aus  der  Luft 
gegriffen.)  I  have  taken  the  trouble  to  look 
round,  and  may  say  that  the  usual  tourist  traffic 
is  going  on  as  usual." 

The  remainder  of  the  charge  is  that  '^  long 
before  August  2nd,"  French  airmen  had  dropped 
bombs  on  South  German  towns.  The  towns  in 
question  are  Frankfort  and  Nuremberg.  The 
Kolnische  Zeitung  contained  this  paragraph  on 
August  2nd :  "A  military  report  has  just  come 
in,  stating  that  French  airmen  dropped  bombs  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Nuremberg  this  morning.  As 
war  has  not  yet  been  declared  between  France  and 
Germany,  this  is  a  breach  of  international  law." 

Two  remarks  are  necessary  to  supplement  the 
above  "  news."  Firstly,  in  the  Reichstag,  the 
Chancellor  said  this  attack  had  occurred  "  long 
before  August  2nd."  Secondly,  the  Cologne 
Gazette  received  the  report  from  the  military 
authorities.  That  betrays  the  source  from  which 
all  these  lies  emanated. 

The  author  has  in  his  possession  a  Nuremberg 
paper  {Frd7ikische  7agepst)  for  the  whole  of 
August,  19 1 4.  It  contains  absolutely  no  mention 
of  any  air  raid  on  or  near  Nuremberg.  If  bombs 
had  been  dropped  in  the  vicinity,  it  is  quite. un- 
thinkable that  the  local  papers  should  contain  no 
report  of  the  affair. 


60  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

President  Poincare,  on  July  15th,  191 5,  declared 
the  Nuremberg  flight  to  be  a  fable.  The 
Frdnkischer  Kurier  (a  Nuremberg  newspaper)  on 
August  1st,  1 91 5,  contains  an  article  which  states 
that  the  news  of  these  alleged  airmen,  whom 
nobody  saw,  was  spread  throughout  the  length 
and  breadth  of  the  German  Empire.  This  same 
paper  ridicules  the  whole  affair. 

Another  extract  gives  the  key  to  the  whole 
mystery.  "  Yesterday  (Monday,  August  3rd),  at 
8  p.m.,  the  following  official  announcement  was 
given  out  for  publication. 

"  Up  till  now,  the  German  troops,  in  obedience 
to  orders  given,  have  not  crossed  the  French 
frontier.  In  contrast  to  this  since  yesterday 
(August  2nd)  French  troops  have  attacked  our 
frontier  posts  without  any  declaration  of  war. 
They  have  crossed  the  German  frontier  at  several 
points,  although  only  a  few  days  ago  the  French 
Government  assured  us  that  they  would  keep  a 
zone  ten  kilometres  wide  free  from  their  troops. 
Since  last  night  French  troops  hold  German 
places  in  occupation.  Since  yesterday  bomb- 
dropping  airmen  have  come  into  Baden  and 
Bavaria  ;  further,  by  violating  Belgian  neutrality, 
they  have  fled  over  Belgian  territory  into  the 
Rhine  province  and  tried  to  destroy  our  railways. 
Thus  France  has  begun  an  attack  upon  us,  and 
thereby  created  a  state  of  war.  The  safety  of  the 
Empire  compels  us  to  take  defensive  measures. 
The  Kaiser  has  given  the  necessary  orders.     The 


THE  DOGS  LET  LOOSE  61 

German  Ambassador  in  Paris  has  been  instructed 
to  demand  his  passports."* 

Germany  had  no  earthly  excuse  to  begin  war 
on  France,  and  imitating  the  noble  example  of 
Bismarck  in  forging  the  notorious  Ems  telegram 
which  precipitated  the  1870  war,  the  German 
military  authorities  forged  the  "  news "  of 
alleged  attacks  by  French  airmen  and  French 
troops.  The  German  Official  Press  Bureau  com- 
pleted this  vile,  criminal  work. 

Although  the  point  is  proved,  a  few  more 
examples  of  the  "  airmen "  legend  will  be  of 
interest.  "  Berlin,  August  2nd.  Last  night  a 
hostile  airship  was  observed  flying  from  Kerprich 
to  Andernach.  Hostile  aeroplanes  were  observed 
flying  from  Diiren  to  Cologne.  A  French  aero- 
plane was  shot  down  by  Wesel."  (From  the 
Munchen-Augsburger  Abendzeitung^   August   3rd.) 

The  Frankfurter  Zeitung^  August  4th,  contains 
three  separate  detailed  accounts  of  French  airmen 
dropping  bombs  on  Frankfort  railway  station  during 
the  previous  night.     The  third  account  will  suffice. 

"  The  military  authorities  in  Frankfort  were 
informed  last  night  that  a  hostile  airman  was 
flying  in  the  direction  from  Darmstadt  to  Frank- 
fort. At  ten  minutes  past  one  the  noise  of  the 
propellers  as  well  as  bursting  bombs  was  heard  by 
those  standing  on  the  command-bridge  of  the 
Central  Station.  In  the  dark  night  it  was  impossible 
to  see  the  flying-machine.     As  it  approached  the 

From  the  Berliner  Lokal  Anzeiger  of  August  4th. 


62  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

station,  where  all  lights  were  out,  fifty  to  sixty 
soldiers  stationed  on  the  command-bridge  fired  at 
the  aeroplane,  which  soon  moved  off  in  the  direc- 
tion of  the  Southern  Station.  There,  too,  it  came 
under  a  heavy  fire  from  soldiers  and  policemen. 
Nothing  whatever  has  been  found  on  the  ground  or 
at  the  station,  not  even  parts  of  the  bombs.  It  is 
assumed  that  the  hand-bombs  exploded  in  the  air."* 

In  peace  times  no  German  editor  would  dare  to 
refuse  any  contribution  sent  to  him  by  the  military 
authorities.  The  above  airman-story  sufficiently 
illustrates  the  state  of  affairs  in  war  time. 

"  Chemnitz,  August  4th.  During  the  past  night, 
between  3  and  4  a.m.,  a  French  airman  dropped 
bombs  on  Chemnitz.  Bombs  exploded  in  the 
streets  without,  however,  doing  any  damage. 
Apparently  the  shots  fired  at  the  aeroplane  were 
unfortunately  without  result."  Magdeburgische 
Zeitung,  August  5th. 

This  is  an  excellent  example  of  how  the  Press 
trick  is  worked.  A  lying  report  is  published  in  a 
city  hundreds  of  miles  away  from  the  scene  of  the 
alleged  occurrence.  The  extract  where  it  was 
alleged  that  a  French  airman  was  shot  down  at 
Wesel,  on  the  Dutch  frontier,  was  published  in  a 
Munich  paper,  four  hundred  miles  away. 

The  last  and  supreme  lie  in  Bethmann-HoUweg's 
speech  is  the  most  insidious  of  all.  The  Chancellor 
sketched    a    truly    moving    picture    of    Germany 

•  Yes,  they  burst    in  the    air,    aus    der   tie  gegriffen  warden  sind  / 
Author. 


THE  DOGS  LET  LOOSE  08 

beseeching  Austria  to  find  a  modus  vivendi  between 
herself  and  Russia.  Germany  claims  that  up  to 
the  last  minute  of  the  last  fatal  week  she  was  work- 
ing for  peace.  Bethmann-Hollweg  insinuates  that 
on  July  31st  a  last  decision  was  to  have  fallen  in 
Vienna  ;  he  does  not  tell  us  what  that  decision 
would  have  been,  but  he  maintains  that  Russia's 
military  preparations  forestalled  it  and  so  the 
decision  was  never  arrived  at.  Thus  Russia  de- 
stroyed the  last  hope  of  peace  ;  the  Chancellor  falsely 
led  his  hearers  to  believe  that  it  was  a  certain  hope 
and  that  the  European  peace  would  have  been  saved. 

It  is  useless  to  choose  one's  words  in  writing  of 
German  diplomacy.  This  is  a  base  lie.  Austria 
arrived  at  her  decision  previous  to  sending  her 
ultimatum  to  Serbia.  This  momentous  decision 
was,  that  Russia  had  no  right  to  intervene  in  the 
quarrel,  which  means,  in  other  words,  that  Russia 
had  absolutely  no  right  to  speak  or  use  her  influence 
in  a  crisis  affecting  the  destiny  of  the  Slavonic 
peoples,  neither  had  Russia  any  right  to  move  in  a 
crisis  which  would  disturb  the  balance  of  power  in 
the  Balkans  and  in  Europe.  It  was  merely  these 
rights  which  Russia  throughout  the  crisis  endea- 
voured to  establish  ;  if  they  had  been  recognized 
there  would  have  been  no  war. 

In  order  to  prove  what  the  Austro-German 
standpoint  was,  and  that  from  first  to  last  never 
changed,  reference  must  be  made  to  the  Austrian 
Red  Book.*     On  page  24  :    Sir  Edward  Grey  was 

*  Oesterreichisch-ungarischei  Rotbuch.     Vienna,  191 5. 


64  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

informed  hy  Count  Mensdorf  on  July  24th,  "  and  I 
(Mensdorf)  repeated  to  him  (Grey)  many  times, 
that  we  should  stick  to  that  view." 

Page  25.  Count  Czecsen  in  Paris  informed 
French  Minister  :  "  It  is  a  question  which  can 
only  be  settled  between  Serbia  and  ourselves," 
on  July  24th. 

On  the  same  day  the  Austrian  Ambassador  em- 
phasized the  same  point  in  an  interview  with  the 
Russian  Foreign  Minister — pp.  27-8. 

During  the  evening  Monsieur  Sasonow  had 
interviews  with  both  the  German  and  Austrian 
Ambassadors.  The  latter  telegraphed  to  Vienna  : 
"  My  German  colleague  at  once  pointed  out  to 
M.  Sasonow  that  Austria  would  not  accept  any 
interference  in  her  differences  with  Serbia  and  that 
Germany  would  also  not  permit  it  " — p.  29. 

That  gives  the  situation  in  its  simplest  form,  and 
without  making  further  quotations,  it  will  suffice 
to  cite  the  dates  on  which  it  was  re-emphasized  : 

July  25th  in  St.  Petersburg,  p.    89 

„     27th,,      „  „  p.  loi 

„  28th  „  Berlin  by  Germany,  p.  116 
„  „  „  London  by  Austria,  p.  123 
„  29th,,  St.  Petersburg,  „  p.  128 
„     30th,,  Berlin,  „      p.  130 

„  30th,,  St.  Petersburg,  „  p.  131 
„     31st  „  Vienna,  „      p.  133 

August  1st  „  St.  Petersburg,  „       p.  136 

Moreover,  no  less  a  personage  than  the  Kaiser's 


THE  DOGS  LET  LOOSE  65 

brother  confirmed  this  view.  In  Prince  Heinrich's 
telegram  to  the  King  of  England,  July  30th,  the 
following  passage  occurs  :  "  If  you  really  and 
sincerely  wish  to  prevent  this  terrible  misfortune 
(a  European  war),  may  I  propose  that  you  should 
exercise  your  influence  on  France  and  Russia  to 
keep  them  both  neutral  (in  the  Austro-Serbian 
quarrel).  In  my  opinion  this  would  be  of  the 
greatest  service.  I  consider  this  a  certain  means 
and  perhaps  the  only  -possibility  of  f  reserving  European 
peaceP 

Prince  Heinrich  expressed  no  hope  that  Austria 
could  be  persuaded  to  make  any  concession,  but 
merely  requested  King  George  to  exercise  his 
influence  to  get  Russia  to  accept  a  position  impossible 
to  herself  and  incompatible  with  the  balance  of 
power  in  Europe. 

The  rock  of  Germanic  obstinacy  was  seated  in 
Vienna,  whether  Germany  was  the  prime  mover 
in  erecting  it  remains  to  be  proved.  Germany 
knew  full  well  that  European  peace  would  be 
shattered  on  that  rock,  yet  there  is  no  fragment  of 
evidence  to  show  that  she  tried  to  remove  it ;  but 
there  is  overwhelming  proof  that  she  encouraged 
Austria  to  stand  by  it,  thus  causing  a  European 
conflagration. 

And  as  if  the  above  were  insufficient  to  prove 
that  the  German  Imperial  Chancellor  was  guilty 
of  conscious  falsification,  Austria  put  one  more  nail 
in  the  coffin  of  European  peace  on  September  24th, 
1 914,  when  it  issued  an  official  communication  to 

5 


66  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

the  Press,  reiterating  that  Austria  had  never  dreamed 
of  departing  from  the  attitude  which  she  first 
took  up.* 

Germany's  aim  was  to  employ  the  Serajewo 
crime  as  a  lever  to  put  Russia,  as  a  vital  force,  out 
of  the  domain  of  European  politics.  In  spite  of 
denials,  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  Austria  was 
inclined  to  listen  to  reason,  but  Germany  fore- 
stalled and  prevented  this  by  despatching  an 
ultimatum  to  Russia  and  then  declaring  war. 

A  few  other  points  in  Bethmann-Hollweg's 
speech  deserve  brief  notice.  He  quotes  Germany's 
threats,  but  not  one  word  from  the  peaceful  over- 
tures which  were  so  often  mentioned.  He  fails 
to  cite  any  single  point  which  Austria  had  yielded 
at  Germany's  advice.  Further,  no  proof  of  Ger- 
many's vaunted  "  mediatory  action  "  is  discoverable 
either  in  the  speech  or  the  diplomatic  documents 
published  by  the  Central  Powers. 

In  regard  to  his  justification  of  the  violation  of 
Belgian  neutrality,  the  civilized  world  has  already 
passed  judgment,  and  in  this  place  it  only  remains 
to  point  out  that  the  four  hundred  members  of 
the  Reichstag  cheered  the  Chancellor's  announce- 
ment. This  alone  is  a  sufficiently  severe  comment 
on  the  conceptions  of  right  and  justice  which  direct 
the  proceedings  of  Germany's  highest  legislative 
body. 

It  evidently  did  not  occur  to  the  Reichstag  or 

•  "  Die  Schuld  am  Weltkriege  "  ("  The  Guilt  for  the  World  War  "), 
b7  an  Austrian.     Vienna,  1915,  p.  59. 


THE  DOGS  LET  LOOSE  67 

Germany's  Imperial  Chancellor  that,  if  necessity- 
knows  no  law  which  respects  a  neutrality 
guaranteed  by  Germany,  then  at  a  later  date 
necessity  would  also  recognize  no  law  which  pro- 
tected Belgian  territory  after  Germany  had 
conquered  it.  A  lamb  in  the  jaws  of  a  lion  is  in 
a  truly  dangerous  position,  and  although  the  out- 
look may  be  black,  it  is  still  wiser  for  the  lamb  to 
try  and  avoid  the  lion's  jaws. 

Bethmann-Hollweg  saw  the  mote  of  Greater- 
Serbianism  in  Serbia's  eye,  but  he  was  peculiarly 
anxious  not  to  perceive  the  beam  of  Pan-Germanism 
which  has  blinded  Germany's  vision  for  a  genera- 
tion, and  is  the  one  and  only  cause  for  the  rapid 
increase  in  European  armaments. 

Before  consigning  the  German  Chancellor's 
PecksnifBan  oration  to  well-deserved  oblivion,  there 
is  one  other  fact  to  state,  because  it  is  of  immediate 
interest  to  Great  Britain.  In  the  person  of 
Bethmann-Hollweg  the  German  Government 
stood  before  the  world  on  August  4th,  191 4,  and 
endeavoured  to  prove  that  Germany  was  attacked, 
and  that  her  conscience  was  clear.  There  are  even 
Britons  who  have  got  stuck  in  Bethmann-Hollweg's 
peace-lime.  Yet  it  would  be  interesting  if  the 
German  Government  would  explain  why  the 
civilian  population  was  ordered  to  leave  Heligoland 
on  the  afternoon  of  Friday,  July  31st.  They  were 
allowed  twenty-four  hours  within  which  to  leave 
the  island,  and  one  who  was  in  the  exodus  describes 
the  scene  in  the  Leipziger  Neueste  N achrichten  for 

5* 


68  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

August  1 2th.  Early  on  Saturday  morning  the 
civiHans  proceeded  on  to  the  landing-stage,  where 
several  steamers  were  waiting.  "  Suddenly  the 
Kbnigin  Luise  started  oif  without  taking  any  passen- 
gers on  board,  and  soon  disappeared  under  full 
steam." 

This  was  the  boat  which  laid  mines  round  the 
mouth  of  the  Thames.  Although  the  German 
Chancellor  protested  his  desire  for  peace  with 
England  as  late  as  August  4th,  it  seems  quite  evi- 
dent from  the  events  in  Heligoland  that  war  with 
this  country  had  been  decided  upon  on  July  31st. 


CHAPTER  IV 

MOBILIZATION 

"  TV  yr  UNICH. — Evening  after  evening  masses 
iy  ji  of  people  thronged  the  streets.  The 
heavy,  oppressive  atmosphere  weighed  upon  the 
spirit — a  leaden  pressure  w^hich  increased  with 
every  hour.  Then  came  the  stirring  events  on 
the  evening  of  July  31st,  when  the  drums  beat 
*  general  march  '  on  the  Marienplatz,  and  a  com- 
missioner read  the  articles  of  war  to  a  crowd 
numbered  by  thousands.  Thirty  drummers  and 
commissioners  in  motors  rushed  through  the  streets 
of  the  city. 

"  On  Saturday  evening,  August  1st,  the  general 
order  for  mobilization  was  proclaimed  from  the 
offices  of  the  Milnchener  Neuesten  Nachrichten. 
A  deep  solemnity  fell  upon  the  masses  of  spectators 
and  the  crowd  fell  into  rank  to  march  to  the  Royal 
Palace,  from  a  window  of  which  King  Ludwig  spoke 
words  of  comfort  and  inspiration.  Still  singing 
the  '  Wacht  am  Rhein,'  this  river  of  humanity 
flowed  on  to  the  *  Englischen  Garten,'  at  the  corner 

69 


70  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

of  which  stands  the  Austrian  Legation.  A  gentle- 
man addressed  the  representative  of  our  beloved 
ally,  who  sounded  in  his  reply  the  note  of  '  faithful- 
ness unto  death.' 

"  And  now  from  out  the  stifling  depression  of 
the  leaden  weight  of  the  previous  days  there  arose 
a  terrible,  united  will,  a  single  mighty  thought. 
The  whole  of  a  great  and  powerful  people  was 
aroused,  fired  by  one  solemn  resolve — to  act ;  ad- 
vance on  the  enemy,  and  smash  him  to  the  earth  ! 

"  Dresden. — I  was  sitting  in  the  garden  of  a 
suburban  restaurant  ;  above  me  were  the  dark 
masses  of  chestnut  trees,  while  before  us,  above  the 
railway,  was  a  long  strip  of  bright,  summer-night 
sky.  There  seemed  to  be  something  gloomy  and 
uncanny  in  the  air  ;  the  lamps  blinked  maliciously  ; 
a  spirit  of  still  expectation  rested  on  the  people  ; 
furtive  glances  were  cast  from  time  to  time  at  the 
near  embankment.  Military  trains  were  expected, 
and  we  listened  nervously  to  the  noises  of  the  night. 
The  first  troop-transports  ;  where  were  they  going 
— against  Russia  or  to  the  French  frontier  ?  It  was 
whispered  that  the  troops  would  only  be  transported 
by  night. 

"  At  last  a  pounding  thud  came  through  the 
stillness  of  the  night,  and  soon  two  colossal  engines 
were  silhouetted  against  the  sky,  like  fire-spitting 
monsters.  Their  roar  seemed  more  sinister  than 
usual.  Heavy  forebodings  rumbled  out  in  the 
rocking  and  rolling  of  the  endless  coaches — the 
clang  of  a  future,  pregnant  with  death  and  pain. 


MOBILIZATION  71 

Suddenly  the  tables  were  empty  ;  everyone  rushed 
towards  the  lighted  compartments  of  the  train,  and 
a  scene  of  indescribable  jubilation  followed  as 
train  after  train  of  armed  men  rushed  by  into  the 
night. 

"  Sometimes  a  troubled  father  was  heard  to 
exclaim  :  '  If  only  the  first  battles  were  fought  and 
won  !  '  Yet  calm  confidence  prevailed  from  the 
very  beginning.  But  the  sight  of  the  quiet, 
machine-like  completion  of  the  mobilization 
strengthened  our  trust,  even  though  a  justifiable 
indignation  and  rage  filled  our  hearts  at  Europe's 
dastardly  attack  on  the  Central  States.  Hate 
flamed  highest,  however,  when  England  declared 
war  against  us. 

"  There  are  several  reasons  for  this.  In  the  north 
of  Germany,  the  Englishman  is  looked  upon  as  the 
European  who  stands  nearest  the  German,  and  v^th 
whom  we  have  the  most  sympathy.  His  personal 
reliability  and  the  manly  firmness  of  his  bearing, 
the  culture  of  English  social  life,  English  art  and 
style,  have  given  Imperial  Germany  many  points 
of  contact  and  grounds  for  sympathy.  Our 
historical  interests  have  never  collided.  Then  we 
suddenly  became  aware  that  this  country,  under  the 
mask  of  friendship,  had  egged  on  the  whole  of 
Europe  to  attack  us.  Not  because  we  had  injured 
English  feelings  or  interests,  but  solely  to  destroy  a 
competitor  and  divide  his  coat  of  many  colours. 

"  No  political  necessity  compelled  modern  Car- 
thage to  declare  war  on  us,  but  merely  the  avowed 


72  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

aim  to  do  a  good  piece  of  business  by  the  war. 
Without  England's  intrigues  Europe  would  never 
have  dared  to  attack  us.  In  our  case,  therefore, 
hate  has  sprung  out  of  disappointed  love.  England 
has  become  our  mortal  enemy,  just  as  Russia  is 
Austria's.  In  a  word,  the  two  Central  Powers  are 
inspired  by  moral  superiority  over  their  enemies, 
and  are  determined  to  wage  war  on  them  to  the 
last  drop  of  blood,  and  if  fate  permits  it,  to  settle 
them  off  and  settle  up  with  them  once  for  all. 

"  At  the  commencement  of  the  mobilization  the 
railway  time-tables  in  force  were  cancelled  ;  rail- 
way traffic  ceased,  and  only  slow  local-trains  ran, 
stopping  at  every  station  to  pick  up  the  men. 
During  the  nights  a  gigantic  transport  of  troops 
went  on  to  the  frontiers.  From  that  moment  the 
sale  of  alcohol  on  the  stations  was  prohibited. 
The  publication  of  news  Concerning  troop  move- 
ments was  suppressed,  in  order  to  veil  our  objective 
and  to  keep  secret  our  strength  on  the  various 
frontiers. 

"  The  trains  in  the  Tyrol  were  decked  with 
wreaths  and  flowers.  They  bore  Germans  from 
the  most  southerly  corners  of  our  neutral  ally — 
Italy.  Members  of  the  Wehrkrajtverein  (Boy 
Scouts)  inspected  the  trains  at  every  station,  and 
it  is  said  that  a  Serb  was  found  bound  fast  under- 
neath one  of  the  carriages.  Serbian  scoundrels 
were  found  on  all  sides ;  if  one  of  them  had  suc- 
ceeded in  destroying  the  Brenner  line  the  whole 
plan  of  mobilization  would  have  been  disturbed. 


MOBILIZATION  78 

Therefore  sentinels  were  placed  along  the  whole 
line  and  strong  guards  protected  every  tunnel. 
At  night  all  lights  were  put  out  and  those  on  the 
engines  covered  up  ;  even  the  stations  were  not 
illuminated — everywhere  darkness. 

**  Slowly  feeling  its  way,  the  train  crept  over  the 
Brenner — it  took  twelve  hours  ;  in  Innsbruck  the 
station  was  crowded  with  Germans  to  welcome  the 
warriors,  and  the  ancient  hills  echoed  again  and 
again  the  '  Wacht  am  Rhein.'  The  solemnity  which 
had  marked  the  first  days  in  Munich  had  given  place 
to  boisterous  joy.  Thousands  of  men  in  mountain 
costume  had  flocked  into  Munich  to  offer  them- 
selves as  volunteers,  and  the  streets  and  station  rang 
with  their  jodeln  I  (the  peculiar  cry  of  Alpine 
herdsmen). 

"  Outside  the  station  lay  vast  quantities  of 
materials  for  the  Flying  Corps,  and  innumerable 
motor-cars.  A  regiment  of  artillery  was  just 
leaving,  while  a  band  was  in  the  centre  of  the  station  ; 
the  rhythm  of  the  kettle-drums  rolled  mightily, 
and  the  music  clashed  in  the  huge  central  hall ; 
thousands  of  voices  joined  in,  then  helmets,  hats, 
caps,  rifles  and  swords  were  waved  and  the  train 
moved  off  amid  shouts  :  '  Go  for  them !  Cut 
them  down !  '  {'  Drauf  auf  die  Kerle !  Haut 
sie  zusammen  1  ')  "* 

"  If  I  live  to  be  a  hundred  I  shall  never  forget 
these  days.     They  are  the  greatest  in  our  history. 

•  Colonel  Frobenlus  :    "  Durch  Not  und  Tod  "   (**  Through  Distress 
and  Death").     Leipzig,  1915,  p.  12  et  seq. 


74  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

We  never  dreamed  that  anything  so  overwhelming 
could  be  experienced  on  earth.  Only  three  weeks 
ago  and  we  should  have  been  quite  incapable  of 
imagining  its  like.  The  feeling  that  we  have 
experienced  something  overpowering,  something 
which  we  cannot  utter,  overwhelms  us  all.  We 
see  it  in  each  other's  faces  and  feel  it  in  the  pressure 
of  a  hand.  Words  are  too  weak,  so  each  is  silent 
about  what  he  feels.  We  are  conscious  of  one  thing 
alone  :   Germany's  heart  has  appeared  to  us  ! 

"  At  last  we  see  each  other  as  we  are,  and  that  is 
the  indescribable  something — the  birth  of  this 
great  time.  Never  have  we  been  so  earnest  and 
never  so  glad.  Every  other  thought,  every  other 
feeling  has  gone.  What  we  have  thought  and  felt 
before  was  all  unreality,  mere  ghosts  ;  day  has 
dawned  and  they  have  fled.  The  whole  land 
bristles  with  arms  and  every  German  heart  is  filled 
with  trust.  If  we  were  always  as  we  are  to-day — 
one  heart  and  one  voice — then  the  whole  world 
would  have  to  bow  before  us.  But  we  no  longer 
knew  ourselves,  we  had  forgotten  our  real  nature. 
We  were  so  many  and  so  divided,  and  each  wanted 
only  to  be  himself.  How  was  it  that  such  madness 
could  have  blinded  us,  and  discord  weakened  us  ? 

"  Now  we  realize  our  strength  and  see  what  we 
can  achieve,  for  in  spite  of  all  we  have  retained  our 
integrity  ;  we  have  suffered  no  injury  to  the  soul. 
Germany's  soul  had  slept  awhile  and  now  awakes 
like  a  giant  refreshed,  and  we  can  hardly  recollect 
what  it  was  all  like  only  three  weeks  ago,  when  each 


MOBILIZATION  T5 

lived  for  himself,  when  we  were  at  best  only  parties, 
not  a  people.  Each  knew  not  the  other,  because 
he  knew  not  himself.  In  unholy  egoism  everyone 
had  forgotten  his  highest  will.  Now  each  has  found 
his  true  will  again,  and  that  is  proved — for  we  have 
only  one. 

"  In  all  German  hearts  flames  the  same  holy 
wrath.  A  sacred  wrath  which  sanctifies  and  heals. 
Every  wound  heals  ;  we  are  again  healthy  and 
whole.  Praise  be  to  God  for  this  war  which 
delivered  us  on  the  first  day  from  German  quarrel- 
someness !  When  the  days  of  peace  return  we 
must  prove  that  we  deserve  to  have  lived  through 
this  holy  German  war.  Then  no  word  must  be 
spoken,  no  deed  done  on  German  soil  which  would 
be  unworthy  of  these  sublime  days. 

"  Groups  stand  at  the  street  corners  reading  the 
latest  news.  One  counts  aloud  how  many  enemies 
we  have  :  there  are  already  six.  A  silence  ensues, 
till  someone  says  :  '  Many  enemies,  great  honour, 
and  we  shall  win,  for  our  cause  is  just  1  '  Such 
utterances  can  be  heard  every  day.  That  is  German 
faith  ;  human  might  does  not  decide,  but  God's 
justice  !  That  is  the  supreme  blessing  of  this  great 
time  ;  we  put  our  trust  in  the  spirit.  Modern 
Germans  have  never  breathed  before  so  pure  an 
atmosphere,  for  Germany's  soul  has  appeared  to  us. 


"  I  am  going  to  pronounce  a  blessing  on  this 
war,    the    blessing    which    is    on    all   lips,    for    we 


76  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

Germans,  no  matter  in  what  part  of  the  world 
we  are,  all  bless,  bless  and  bless  again  this  world 
war.  I  do  not  intend  to  become  lyrical.  Lyric 
is  so  far  from  me  that  in  all  these  three  months 
I  have  not  composed  a  single  war  poem.  No,  I 
shall  endeavour  to  count  up  quite  calmly,  un- 
lyrically,  what  we  have  seen  during  these  three 
months  :  point  for  point,  the  whole  list  of  sur- 
prises, for  they  have  all  been  surprises,  one  after 
the  other. 

"  Only  a  few  days  ago  a  high  State  official  said 
to  me  :  *  Let  us  confess  at  once  that  in  all  Europe 
nobody  believed  in  this  war ;  everybody  had 
prepared  for  it,  but  nobody  thought  it  possible — 
not  even  those  who  wanted  war.' 

"  All  thinking  men  considered  that  the  inter- 
woven economic  dependence  on  each  other  among 
the  nations,  was  so  strong  that  none  dare  commit 
suicide  by  commencing  a  war.  Thus  we  spoke 
to  each  other,  and  that  seemed  an  axiom.  Further, 
it  seemed  to  be  true  that  even  if  a  madman  let 
loose  the  dogs  of  war,  then  it  would  be  all  over 
in  a  fortnight.  The  man  in  the  street  imagined 
that  it  would  be  a  kind  of  parade  (Aufmarsch), 
a  mobilization  test,  and  the  power  which  suc- 
ceeded best  would  be  the  victor,  for  no  country 
in  the  world  was  strong  enough  to  stand  the 
enormous  cost  for  longer  than  three  weeks. 

"  Now  three  months  have  gone,  and  we  have 
stood  the  strain,  and  we  can  bear  it  for  another 
three,  six  months,  a  year,  or  as  many  years  as  it 


MOBILIZATION  77 

must  be.  The  calculation  was  wrong,  all  the 
calculations  were  wrong  :  the  reality  of  this  war 
surpasses  everything  which  we  had  imagined,  and 
it  has  been  glorious  to  experience  on  so  grand  a 
scale  that  reality  always  surpasses  the  conception. 
Even  that  is  not  true  which  we  learned  in  all  the 
schools  and  read  in  all  the  books — that  every  war 
is  an  awful  misfortune.  Even  this  war  is  horrible ; 
yes,  but  our  salvation.  It  seems  so  to  us,  and  so 
it  has  appeared  to  us  from  the  very  first  day 
onwards. 

"  That  first  day  will  remain  in  our  memories 
for  ever  ;  never  in  all  our  lives  had  we  experienced 
anything  so  grand,  and  we  had  never  believed  it 
possible  to  experience  anything  so  magnificent. 
Word  for  word  Bismarck's  prophecy  (1888)  has 
come  true  :  '  It  must  be  a  war  to  which  the  whole 
nation  gives  its  assent ;  it  must  be  a  national  war, 
conducted  with  an  enthusiasm  like  that  of  1870, 
when  we  were  ruthlessly  attacked.  Then  all 
Germany  from  the  Memel  to  Lake  Constance  will 
blaze  up  like  a  powder-mine  and  the  whole  land 
bristle  with  bayonets.'  The  war  which  Bismarck 
prophesied  was  this  war,  and  what  he  foretold 
came  to  pass,  and  we  saw  it  with  our  eyes.  We 
saw  the  German  mobilization  with  eyes  which 
since  then  have  been  consecrate. 

"  All  enthusiasm  is  splendid,  even  in  an  in- 
dividual, be  he  who  he  may  and  for  whatever 
cause  you  like.  In  enthusiasm  everything  good 
in  a  man  appears,  while  the  common  and  vulgar 


78  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

in  him  sinks  away.  Any  enthusiasm  either  of 
groups  or  societies  in  which  the  individual  ego 
loses  itself  is  grand,  but  the  mighty  enthusiasm  of 
a  powerful  people  is  overwhelming.  This  was, 
however,  an  enthusiasm  of  a  peculiar  sort — it  was 
well  disciplined,  an  enthusiasm  combined  with 
and  controlled  by  the  highest  order. 

"  In  this  the  fundamental  secret  of  German 
power  was  revealed  :  to  remain  calm  in  enthusiasm, 
cold  amidst  fire  and  still  obedient  to  duty  in  a 
tornado  of  passion.  Then  we  were  all  inspired 
by  the  thought  and  feeling  :  '  Nobody  can  achieve 
that,  for  in  order  to  be  able  to  do  it  we  have  had 
to  perform  a  huge  intellectual  and  spiritual  task. 
It  is  not  alone  the  result  of  the  last  century  and  a 
half;  no,  that  work  has  been  going  on  for  nearly 
a  thousand  years. 

^'  What  is  the  spirit  of  our  German  mysticism, 
the  spirit  of  Eckhart  and  Tauler,  except  :  Drunken- 
ness of  the  soul  in  a  waking  condition  ?  The 
accepted  law  on  which  all  great  German  deeds 
rest,  is  :  to  dovetail  enthusiasm  with  discipline 
and  order.  From  our  Gothic,  through  German 
barock  to  Frederick  the  Great  and  Kant,  on  to 
the  classical  period — what  does  all  that  mean  if 
it  is  not  the  architecture  of  one  huge  feeling  ? 
The  soul  runs  riot  in  its  imaginings  and  therewith 
the  intellect  builds.  The  ravings  of  the  soul 
provide  the  materials  with  which  the  mind  builds. 

"  What  is  German  music  from  Bach  to  Beet- 
hoven    and     from     Beethoven     to    Wagner — ^yes, 


MOBILIZATION  79 

even  to  Richard  Strauss — but  enthusiasm  with 
discipHne  ?  German  music  has  been  our  mobili- 
zation ;  it  has  gone  on  just  as  in  a  partitur  by 
Richard  Wagner — absolute  rapture  with  perfect 
precision  ! 

"  Hence  when  we  saw  the  miracle  of  this  mobili- 
zation— all  Germany's  military  manhood  packed 
in  railway  trains,  rolling  through  the  land,  day 
by  day  and  night  after  night,  never  a  minute  late 
and  never  a  question  for  which  the  right  answer 
was  not  ready  and  waiting — ^when  we  saw  all  this, 
we  were  not  astonished,  because  it  was  no  miracle  ; 
it  was  nothing  other  than  a  natural  result  of  a 
thousand  years  of  work  and  preparation  ;  it  was 
the  net  profit  of  the  whole  of  German  history. 

"  At  the  German  mobilization  not  only  our 
brave  soldiers,  reserves  and  militia  {Landwehr- 
manner  und  Lands  tilrmler)  entered  the  field, 
but  the  whole  of  Germany's  historic  past  marched 
with  them.  It  was  this  which  inspired  the  un- 
shakable confidence  which  has  endured  from  the 
first  day  of  war.  In  truth,  the  dear  Fatherland 
has  every  reason  to  be  calm. 

"  In  the  meantime  something  more  has 
happened  :  all  in  a  moment  we  became  Ger- 
mans !  We  held  our  breaths  when  the  Kaiser 
uttered  these  words.  This  too  arose  out  of  the 
deepest  depths  of  Germany's  yearnings ;  it 
sounded  like  an  eagle-cry  of  our  most  ancient 
longings.  Germany's  soul  has  long  pined  to  tear 
itself    from    its    narrow    confines    {verwerden^    as 


80  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

Eckhart,  or  sich  entsdbsten,  as  Goethe  put 
it),  to  lay  aside  self-will  and  sacrifice  itself,  to  be 
absorbed  in  the  whole,  and  yet  still  to  serve 
(Wagner).  And  this  eternal  German  yearning 
had  never  reached  fulfilment,  but  self-interest 
and  egoism  have  always  been  stronger ;  every 
German  has  been  at  war  with  all  the  others.  '  For 
every  man  to  go  his  own  way,'  said  Goethe,  '  is 
the  peculiar  characteristic  of  the  German  race. 
I  have  never  seen  them  united  except  in  their 
hate  for  Napoleon.  I  am  curious  to  see  what 
they  will  do  when  he  is  banished  to  the  other 
side  of  the  Rhine.'  And  Goethe  was  right :  no 
sooner  was  the  land  freed  from  the  oppressor, 
than  each  began  again  to  think  and  act  only  for 
himself.  Hence,  when  we  first  learned  of  the 
Kaiser's  words  we  felt  almost  a  joyous  fear.  If 
it  were  only  true  that  now  there  were  only 
Germans  !  But  on  the  very  next  day  our  eyes 
saw  and  our  ears  heard  that  at  last  there  were 
only  Germans,  and  with  that,  all  pain  and  fear 
was  forgotten.  If  war  is  awful,  even  a  just  war, 
a  holy  war — even  for  the  victor  too,  we  will  endure 
all  that,  for  it  is  as  nothing  ;  no  sacrifice  is  too 
great  for  this  prize — that  we  are  all  only  Germans. 
"  Since  the  Emperor  spoke  those  words  three 
months  have  passed,  and  there  have  only  been 
Germans  in  the  land.  These  three  months  have 
brought  much  sorrow  to  German  hearts,  for  there 
is  hardly  a  home  which  does  not  lament  a  father, 
a  son,   or  a   brother.     Nevertheless,   one  may  say 


MOBILIZATION  81 

that  since  our  existence  as  a  nation,  Germany 
has  never  been  more  joyous,  in  the  best  sense  of 
the  word,  than  in  this  time  of  suffering.  Through 
our  tears  the  noblest  joy  has  shone  ;  not  alone 
at  the  success  of  our  arms ;  it  is  not  from  pride 
at  fighting  against  a  world  of  enemies ;  it  is  not 
the  fact  that  we  are  now  assured  of  a  future  which 
in  July  last  we  could  not  have  imagined  ;  it  is 
not  the  feeling  of  power,  of  which  even  we  our- 
selves did  not  know.  That  shining  joy  springs 
from  deeper  reasons.  We  are  glad  because  we 
have  found  each  other  ;  we  did  not  know  each 
other  before.  Indeed,  no  one  knew  himself.  Now 
we  know  each  other,  and  above  all,  each  knows 
himself. 

"  It  was  Bismarck  who  uttered  these  terrible 
words  :  '  When  the  unoccupied  German  must 
give  up  the  struggle  and  strife  which  has  become 
dear  to  him,  and  offer  the  hand  of  reconciliation, 
then  he  loses  all  joy  in  life.  Givil  war  is  always 
the  most  terrible  thing  which  any  land  can  have. 
But  with  us  Germans  it  is  still  more  terrible, 
because  it  is  fought  out  by  us  with  more  love 
for  the  strife  than  any  other  war.' 

"  Does  it  not  sound  truly  horrible  for  the 
greatest  benefactor  of  a  nation,  which  has  to 
thank  him  for  having  realized  its  century-old 
dream  of  unity,  to  say  in  all  calm  and  as  some- 
thing quite  obvious,  that  his  own  nation  engages 
in  a  civil  war  '  with  more  love  '  than  any  other 
war  ?     And    wherever    we     look     in     Bismarck's 

6 


82  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

speeches,  the  same  complaint  is  found  which  had 
been  the  eternal  lamentation  of  Goethe — the 
lament  over  the  lack  of  faith  and  will  of  the 
Germans. 

"  How  will  it  be  this  time  ?  Will  it  be  as  after 
the  Seven  Years'  War,  after  the  War  of  Liberation, 
after  1870  ?  Will  it  be  again  all  in  vain  ?  As 
soon  as  the  Fatherland  is  secure,  will  every  German 
once  again  cease  to  be  a  German  in  order  to  become 
some  kind  of  -crat  or  -ist  or  -er  ?  This  time  it 
will  be  more  difficult,  for  from  this  war  he  will 
return  no  more  into  the  same  Fatherland.  It 
will  have  expanded  ;  the  German  Fatherland  will 
be  greater.  Arndt's  poems  must  be  written  over 
again  :  no  longer  merely  '  as  far  as  the  German 
tongue  is  spoken.'  Germany  will  stretch  beyond 
that  limit,  and  in  it  the  German  will  have  work 
to  do. 

"  In  his  speech  Bismarck  spoke  of  the  '  un- 
occupied '  ;  but  in  all  probability  after  this  war, 
for  years  to  come,  there  will  be  no  '  unoccupied ' 
Germans.  They  will  be  fully  occupied  with  the 
new  organization.  What  the  sword  has  won,  we 
shall  keep.  '  The  pike  in  the  European  carp- 
pond,'  said  Bismarck  once,  '  prevent  us  from 
becoming  carp.  They  compel  us  to  exertions 
which  voluntarily  we  should  hardly  be  willing  to 
make.  They  compel  us  to  hold  together,  which 
is  in  direct  contradiction  to  our  innermost  nature.' 

"  As  we  cannot  change  our  nature,  it  will  be 
good  if  we  take  over  for  good  and  all  a  number — a 


MOBILIZATION  88 

very  considerable  number, — of  these  European  pike. 
That  will  occupy  the  German  peasant  and  give 
an  outlet  to  his  superfluous  energies.  There  will 
be  no  leisure-energy  to  discharge  itself  in  party 
strife.  Further,  we  must  build  Europe  up  again. 
It  stood  on  rotten  foundations,  and  now  it  has 
fallen  to  pieces.  We  shall  erect  it  again  on  a 
German  basis,  and  there  will  be  work  enough."* 

•  Hermann     Bahr  :     "  Kriegssegen "     ("The    Blessings  of  War"). 
Published  in  Munich,  19 15,  p.  5  et  seq. 


6* 


♦ .   '  CHAPTER  V 

WARS   AND    RUMOURS    OF    WARS 

IT  would  be  more  than  human  if  the  German 
nation  had  actually  realized  the  lyrical 
picture  painted  by  two  well-known  writers  in  the 
preceding  chapter.  German  newspapers,  it  is  true, 
prove  that  the  national  unity  so  loudly  acclaimed 
was  no  empty  word  ;  moreover,  they  show  con- 
clusively that  grumblers  and  half-hearted  enthu- 
siasts were  not  lacking.  It  would  probably  be 
more  correct  to  describe  them  as  ''  sober-minded 
patriots."  These  elements  had,  however,  to  use 
a  colloquialism,  an  "  exceedingly  rough  time." 

The  author  has  already  contended  that  the 
German  is  innately  brutal,  and  in  proof  thereof 
quoted  the  awful  statistics  of  brutal  crimes  published 
by  the  Imperial  Statistic  Office,  Berlin.  The 
present  work  will  contain  a  picture  of  the  natural 
unfolding  of  this  "  innate  brutality  "  in  Germany 
itself  during  war  time,  and  on  the  battlefields  of 
Belgium  and  France. 

There  is  no  doubt  whatever  that  a  systematic, 
officially-organized  press  campaign  was  carried  oji 

84 


WARS   AND   RUMOURS   OF  WARS        85 

to  madden  the  people  and  arouse  blood-lust, 
successively  against  Russians,  Belgians,  French  and 
English.  One  is  almost  inclined  to  exclaim : 
Providence  caused  some  of  the  fruits  of  this  blood- 
lashing  to  be  reaped  in  Germany  ! 

"  Yesterday  evening  in  the  Riebeckbrau  another 
free  fight  took  place,  and  quieter  guests  who 
refused  to  take  part  in  the  patriotic  screaming  of 
the  students  and  other  mob  elements  were  badly 
ill-treated.  Beer-glasses,  ash-trays,  chairs  and 
other  missiles  were  thrown  about  freely.  One 
man  was  struck  on  the  back  of  the  head  with  a 
beer-glass,  causing  the  blood  to  flow  in  streams. 
Helpless  women,  too,  were  beaten  and  threatened."* 

Three  days  later  the  same  journal  contained  a 
public  appeal  from  the  Mayor  of  Leipzig,  begging 
the  inhabitants  to  preserve  public  order  :  "  If  the 
disturbances  in  the  streets,  public  houses,  etc., 
should — contrary  to  our  expectations — continue, 
then  we  shall  be  compelled  to  take  severe  steps  to 
suppress  them." 

On  the  same  page  there  is  another  report  of 
similar  scenes,  in  one  of  which  a  workman  was 
"  horribly  ill-treated  "  by  eight  others.  The  army 
authorities  were  compelled  to  issue  a  still  more 
drastic  warning  on  August  6th. 

A  victim  reported  his  adventures  in  another 
Leipzig  papert :  "  I  have  just  read  your  article 
admonishing  the  '  hot-heads '  to  keep  cool.     The 

*  Leipziger  Volkszeitung,  August  ist,   19 14. 
t  Leipziger  Neuesten  Nachricbten,  August  9th. 


86  WHAT   GERMANY  THINKS 

General  commanding  Leipzig  has  also  warned 
members  of  the  public  not  to  allow  excitement 
to  lead  them  to  '  deeds  of  brutality  and  crime.'  I 
am  a  good  German  patriot,  and  yet  nearly  lost 
my  life  at  the  hands  of  my  own  countrymen." 

The  ''  good  patriot  "  then  relates  that  during 
the  week  he  had  spent  an  evening  at  a  concert  in 
a  beer-garden.  Patriotic  music  was  the  order  of 
the  day,  and  as  each  national  song  was  sung  he 
stood  up  with  the  rest  of  the  company.  Towards 
the  close  of  the  evening  he  felt  unwell  and  re- 
mained sitting,  an  indiscretion  which  he  truth- 
fully says  "  nearly  cost  him  his  life."  Three 
skull  wounds  several  inches  long,  his  body  beaten 
black  and  blue,  and  ruined  clothes,  was  the  punish- 
ment for  not  joining  in  with  the  ''  hurrah-patriots." 

Dozens  of  similar  instances  might  be  cited,  but 
for  the  sake  of  impartiaHty  it  is  preferable  to  allow 
a  German  to  generalize  :  "  The  rage  of  the  populace 
has  found  vent  not  only  against  foreigners,  but 
also  against  good  German  patriots,  indeed  even 
against   German   officers."* 

Probably  one  of  the  most  glaring  instances  of 
German  indifference  to  brutality  is  afforded  by 
the  following  incident.  A  commercial  traveller 
named  Liideritz,  aged  twenty-three,  murdered 
his  sweetheart  in  a  Leipzig  hotel  by  strangHng 
her  with  his  necktie.  He  alleged  that  he  had 
killed  the  girl  at  her  wish,  and  the  judge  sentenced 
him   to  three  years,   six   months'   imprisonment — 

•  Leipziger  Volkszeitungy  August  I2th. 


WARS   AND   RUMOURS   OF   WARS        87 

not  even  penal  servitude  !  The  report  concludes*  : 
**  As  the  accused  has  been  called  up  to  serve  in 
the  army,  he  was  allowed  to  go  free  for  the  present." 
Which  means  that  if  he  survives  the  war  he  may 
be  called  upon  to  undergo  his  sentence. 

A  South  German  newspaper!  advised  "  German 
wives  and  maidens  to  avoid  wearing  striking  cos- 
tumes, dresses  and  hats.  Such  restrictions  are 
not  only  desirable  in  the  serious  time  through 
which  our  dear  Fatherland  is  passing,  but  such 
precautions  are  urgently  necessary  in  the  interests 
of  personal  safety.  For  amidst  the  excitement 
which  has  unfortunately  taken  possession  of  our 
people,  ladies  are  not  safe,  either  from  insult  or 
assault,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  police  do 
their  best  to  protect  them." 

These  are  the  bare  facts,  in  a  very  limited 
selection,  as  regards  German  brutality  towards 
Germans.  In  the  light  of  these  events  the  question 
suggests  itself  :  How  did  foreigners  fare  in  the 
midst  of  this  Kulturvolk  ?  The  answer  is  simple 
and  expressive  :  '*  Not  half  has  ever  been  told  ;  " 
yet  the  German  newspapers  contain  more  than 
sufficient  materials  to  prove  that  the  .floodgates 
of  barbarism  were  opened  wide. 

When  martial  law  was  proclaimed  the  Berlin 
Government  caused  official  announcements  to  be 
issued  throughout  the  whole  country,  requesting 
the  public  to  assist  in  preventing  tunnels,  bridges, 

•  Ibid.,  August  28th. 

t  Munchen-Augshurger  Abendzeitung^  Augus*;  5  th, 


88  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

railways,  etc.,  from  being  destroyed  by  foreign 
agents  and  spies.  The  whole  country  at  once 
became  a  detective  office  of  madmen  ! 

Ample  proof  is  at  hand  to  show  that  this  lashing 
of  the  pubHc  mind  into  brutal  fury  was  the  calcu- 
lated work  of  the  German  authorities.  "  We  are 
now  absolutely  dependent  upon  reports  issued  by 
the  authorities ;  we  do  not  know  whether  they 
are  correct  or  whether  they  are  merely  intended  to 
inflame  pubHc  opinion.  Thus  reports  have  been 
officially  circulated  of  Russian  patrols  crossing  our 
frontiers,  and  from  Nuremberg  of  French  airmen 
dropping  bombs  on  the  railways  in  that  neighbour- 
hood, whereupon  diplomatic  relations  with  both 
countries  were  broken  off."* 

The  whole  Press,  with  the  exception  of  at  least 
some  Social  Democratic  organs,  joined  in  a  chorus 
of  hatred  and  suspicion  against  Russians  residing  in 
Germany.  In  bitterness  towards  the  Russian 
State  the  Socialist  journals  were  solid  in  their 
hostility,  but  the  author  has  only  discovered  ex- 
pressions of  abhorrence  in  their  columns  concern- 
ing the  ill-treatment,  even  murder,  of  innocent 
foreigners  in  Germany.  This  fact  must  be  recorded 
to  their  honour. 

"  Certain  circles  of  Leipzig's  population  are  at 
present  possessed  by  patriotic  delirium  and  at 
the  same  time  by  a  spy-mania  which  luxuriates 
like  tropical  vegetation.  In  reality,  love  of 
Fatherland   is   something   quite   other   than   those 

•  Leipziger  Volkszeitung^  August  3rd. 


WARS  AND   RUMOURS   OF  WARS        89 

feelings  which  find  expression  in  the  present  noisy 
and  disgusting  scenes.  These  mob  patriots  must 
remember  that  in  their  mad  attacks  on  '  Serbs  ' 
and  '  Russians ' — that  is  to  say,  everybody  who  has 
black  hair  and  a  beard,  whom  they  at  once  conclude 
must  belong  to  those  nations — they  are  endanger- 
ing the  lives  of  hundreds  of  thousands  of  Germans 
in  France  and  Russia.'"* 

On  the  following  day  the  same  journal  contained 
another  detailed  report  :  "  In  spite  of  official 
appeals  to  the  public  to  display  self-possession  in 
these  serious  times,  the  nationalist  mob  continues 
to  behave  in  the  most  scandalous  manner,  both 
in  the  streets  and  public  restaurants,  etc.  The 
wildest  outbreaks  of  brutal  passions  occur,  and  no 
one  with  black  hair  and  dark  complexion  is  secure 
from  outbursts  of  rage  on  the  part  of  the  fanatics. 
Shortly  before  5  p.m.  yesterday  a  gentleman  in  the 
uniform  of  a  German  artillery  officer  was  sitting  with 
a  lady  in  the  Cafe  Felsche  ;  apparently  somebody 
*  denounced  '  him  for  a  Russian  officer  in  disguise. 
The  police  accompanied  by  army  officers  arrested 
and  led  him  into  the  street,  where  they  were 
received  by  a  yelling  crowd.  The  enraged  mob 
forced  its  way  past  the  guards  and  beat  the  '  spy  ' 
with  sticks,  umbrellas,  etc.,  till  streams  of  blood 
ran  down  his  face,  his  uniform  being  torn  to  shreds. 
The  officers  and  police  guarding  him  drew  their 
weapons,  but  were  unable  to  protect  him  from 
further  brutal  treatment ;   indeed,  it  was  with  the 

•  Ibid,,  August  4th. 


90  WHAT  GERMANY   THINKS 

greatest  difficulty  that  they  succeeded  in  bringing 
him  to  a  place  of  safety."* 

On  the  last  page  of  the  same  edition  there  is  an 
advertisement  which  helps  to  explain  why  the  appeals 
for  cool  blood  were  useless. 

"  APPEAL  !  " 

"  Among  the  foreigners  in  our  country,  especially 
Russians,  there  are  a  large  number  who,  it  is  to  be 
feared,  are  guilty  of  espionage  and  attempts  to 
disturb  our  mobilization.  While  the  Russians 
engaged  in  work  on  our  farms  may  be  allowed  to 
continue  their  work  in  peace,  it  is  necessary 
to  watch  carefully  those  who  are  studying  here,  or 
are  permanent  residents. 

"  I  call  upon  the  inhabitants  to  take  part  in  the 
task  of  observation,  and  when  strong  suspicion  is 
aroused  to  see  to  it  that  the  suspects  are  arrested 
and  handed  over  to  the  civil  authorities. 

"  The  protection  of  our  railway  Hnes  and  stations, 
telegraph  wires,  etc.,  demands  the  most  careful 
attention  during  the  next  few  days. 

"  VoN  Laffert, 

"  General  in  Command. 

"  Leipzig,  August  4th." 

An  interesting  contrast  to  the  above  is  a  police 
order,  issued  by  the  Director  of  the  Stuttgart 
poHce.t 

•  The  unfortunate  suspect  was  in  truth  a  German  officer. 
t  Leipziger  Neuesten  Nachrichten,  August  9th. 


WARS  AND  RUMOURS   OF  WARS        91 

"  Policemen  !  The  populace  is  going  absolutely 
mad.  The  streets  are  crowded  with  old  women  of 
both  sexes  who  have  nothing  else  to  do  but  disgrace 
themselves.  Each  sees  in  his  neighbour  a  Russian 
or  French  spy,  and  imagines  that  it  is  his  duty  to 
thrash  both  him  and  the  policeman  who  intervenes, 
till  the  blood  flows ;  if  not  that,  then  at  least  to 
cause  an  enormous  crowd  to  gather  in  giving  the 
alleged  spy  over  to  the  police.  Clouds  become 
hostile  airmen,  stars  are  mistaken  for  airships  and 
the  cross-bars  of  bicycles  are  thought  to  be  bombs ; 
bridges  have  been  blown  up,  telegraph  and  tele- 
phone wires  cut  in  the  middle  of  Stuttgart ;  spies 
have  been  shot  and  water  supplies  poisoned  !  It  is 
impossible  to  imagine  what  will  happen  when 
serious  events  really  come. 

"  It  has  been  proved  that  up  till  now  there  has 
not  been  the  slightest  reason  for  all  this  alarm  ; 
but  yet,  judging  by  appearances,  we  are  living  in  a 
huge  lunatic  asylum.  Everyone,  if  he  is  not  a 
coward  or  a  dangerous  idler,  should  be  quietly 
doing  his  duty,  for  the  times  are  already  serious 
enough. 

"  Policemen  !  continue  to  keep  your  heads  cool. 
Be  men  as  you  were  formerly,  and  not  women.  Do 
not  allow  yourselves  to  be  frightened  at  straws ; 
keep  your  eyes  open  and  do  your  duty  ! 

"  BiLLINGER, 

"  Director  of  PoHce. 
"  Stuttgart." 


92  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

It  is  not  surprising  that  this  humorous  poHce 
commander  expressed  his  indignation  in  the  forceful 
Swabian  manner.  Here  are  a  few  telegrams  which 
had  been  sent  to  Berlin  from  Stuttgart,  or  still 
more  probable,  manufactured  by  the  official  Press 
Bureau  in  Berlin. 

"  A  considerable  number  of  Russians  and  French 
— ^including  several  women — have  been  arrested  in 
Stuttgart  to-day  under  the  suspicion  of  practising 
espionage.  One  of  these  arrests  was  made  in  the 
top-floor  of  the  Central  Post  Office,  where  the 
apparatus  connected  with  the  telegraph  office  are 
to  be  found. 

"  More  arrests  are  about  to  be  made  in  the 
environs.  It  has  been  established  that  numerous 
attempts  have  been  made  during  the  last  few  days 
to  blow  up  the  railway  bridges.  In  Freudenstadt 
a  gypsy's  wagon  was  seized  which  contained  a 
quantity  of  explosives."* 

"  Some  of  our  contemporaries  (Oh,  shade  of 
Pecksniff  ! — ^Author)  announced  yesterday  that  in 
Stuttgart  eighty,  according  to  other  reports,  ninety 
millions  in  French  gold  had  been  seized.  In  answer 
to  our  inquiry  at  the  principal  office  of  the  Wiirtem- 
berg  State  Railways  we  were  informed  that  the 
statements  are  pure  inventions."! 

Another  Socialist  paper  which  denounced  this 
campaign  of  lies  in  its  columns  deserves  quota- 
tion.    "  The  spy-mania  luxuriates ;    every  Russian 

•  Berliner  Tageblatt,  August  3rd. 

t  Berliner  Lokal-Anzeiger,  August  4th. 


WARS   AND   RUMOURS   OF   WARS         93 

is  in  danger  of  assault  by  over-heated  patriots. 
The  nation,  however,  ought  to  know  that  the 
Russians  in  our  midst  are  labourers,  students, 
travellers  and  business  men ;  it  is  exceeding 
rare  for  one  of  this  class,  to  sell  himself  to  the 
scoundrels  who  follow  the  dirty  practices  of 
espionage. 

"  Civilization  and  good-breeding  demand  that 
everyone  should  respect  the  dictates  of  international 
law,  and  treat  the  peaceful  citizens  of  a  land  with 
which  we  are  at  war,  with  decency. 

"  Especially  those  wretches  deserve  to  have  their 
knuckles  rapped  who  circulate  such  infamous  bear- 
baiting  news  as  the  alleged  attempt  on  the  Crown 
Prince's  hfe  by  Russian  students."* 

"  The  General  commanding  the  Leipzig  district 
has  issued  the  following  reply  in  answer  to  an 
inquiry  by  the  civil  authorities  :  We  know  nothing 
at  all  of  an  alleged  attempt  on  the  life  of  the  Kaiser 
or  the  Crown  Prince.  The  commanding  General 
von  Laffert  has  never  uttered  the  words  ascribed 
to  him,  that  the  Kaiser  had  been  murdered.  These 
reports  must  be  contradicted  with  the  greatest 
energy."! 

The  following  extracts  are  of  the  greatest  import- 
ance, for  they  prove  beyond  doubt  the  source  of 
these  lies,  and  the  cold-blooded,  calculated  manner 
in  which  they  were  circulated  by  the  German 
authorities : 

"  The  decision  as  to  what  may  be  published  in 

•  Vorwdrts^  August  7th.  t  Leipxiger  Tageblattf  August  3rA 


94  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

newspapers,  is  now  in  the  hands  of  the  military 
commander  in  each  district. 

"  The  regulations  issued  by  the  military  authori- 
ties, force  certain  restrictions  upon  us  and  threaten 
the  existence  of  our  journals.  As  regards  our 
principles  and  convictions  no  change  has  taken 
place."* 

"  Berlin,  August  loth. — Major  Nicolai,  director 
of  the  Press  department  of  the  General  Staff, 
received  representatives  of  the  Press  to-day  and 
communicated  to  them,  inter  alia,  the  following 
details :  Our  army  commanders  decline  to  enter 
into  competition  with  the  lie-factories  abroad. 
They  will  convince  the  world  that  truth  is  on  our 
side,  and  that  we  spread  neither  lies  nor  coloured 
reports.  We  hope  in  a  short  time  to  be  able  to 
prove  how  much  our  enemies  have  sinned  against 
the  truth. 

"  What  have  we  achieved  up  till  now  ?  The 
dreaded  invasion  of  Russian  cavalry  was  broken  up 
by  our  frontier  guards  alone.  Indeed,  in  many  cases 
only  the  Landwehr  was  needed  to  throw  back  the 
invaders.  What  about  the  destruction  of  important 
buildings,  railways,  bridges  and  such  like  .?  Nothing 
at  all  has  happened."! 

On  another  page  of  the  same  issue  a  long  official 
army  order  to  the  Press  is  given  in  which  this  para- 
graph occurs :     "  All  news  given   out   by  Wolff's 

•  The  editor  of  the  Vortodrts  to  his  readers  on  August  ist. 

t  Condensed  translation  of  the  report  in  the  Leipxiger  Volkszeitung^ 
August  nth. 


WARS  AND   RUMOURS   OF  WARS        95 

Telegraph-Bureau  may  only  be  quoted  literally  as 
they  stand  and  the  source  named  by  the  initials 
W.  T.-B." 

It  is  thus  clear  that  the  news-agency  mentioned 
performs  two  separate  functions,  although  the 
German  army  authorities  do  not  draw  this  dis- 
tinction. First,  the  circulation  of  reports  issued 
by  the  Army  Headquarters  in  the  field,  for  the 
truth  of  which  the  BerHn  General  Staff  guarantees. 
Secondly,  the  spreading  of  their  own  news,  and 
information  supplied  to  them  by  other  German 
Government  departments.  All  news  pubhshed  by 
the  agency  has  thus  received  the  stamp  of  official 
authority,  and  the  German  public  is  too  ignorant 
to  recognize  the  palpable  fraud. 

"  Metz,  August  3rd. — A  French  doctor,  accom- 
panied by  two  officers  in  disguise,  was  caught  yester- 
day while  trying  to  infect  the  water  supply  with 
cholera  baciUi.  He  was  at  once  shot  under  miHtary 
law."* 

"  The  report  of  the  Metz  water  supply  being 
infected,  which  was  given  out  by  Wolff's  Bureau 
yesterday,  proves  to  be  a  pure  invention.  The 
agency  informs  us  that  there  is  no  ground  for 
uneasiness,  but  the  state  of  affairs  at  present  makes 
it  imperative  to  exercise  great  care."t 

"  Coblence,  August  2nd. — ^The  Government- 
president  in  Diisseldorf  reports  that  twelve  motor- 
cars containing  eighty   French  officers  in  Prussian 

•  Deutsche  Tageszeitung,  August  3rd. 
t  Berliner  Tageblatt^  August  4th. 


96  WHAT   GERMANY  THINKS 

uniforms  tried  this  morning  to  cross  the  Prussian 
frontier  by  Walbeck,  west  of  Geldern.  The  attempt 
failed."* 

Referring  to  this  episode  another  paper  wrote  : 
"  The  alleged  attempt  of  whole  caravans  of  French 
officers,  masquerading  as  German  Heutenants,  to 
enter  the  Rhine  province  as  spies  is  too  adventurous 
to  be  believed.  Especially  as  it  is  known  that  the 
Dutch  frontier  is  very  strictly  guarded. 

"  But  Wolff's  Bureau,  which  at  present  takes 
every  precaution,  circulated  the  news.  Hence  we 
have  here  an  instance  of  France  violating  Dutch 
neutraHty."t 

As  far  as  the  author  is  aware,  the  German  Govern- 
ment has  not  yet  protested  to  the  Dutch  authorities 
for  this  breach  of  their  neutrality. 

The  poisoned-water-supplies  lie  deserves  further 
attention.  It  was  scattered  broadcast  throughout 
the  land,  and  millions  of  credulous  Germans  reduced 
to  a  state  of  absolute  panic  and — what  was  intended 
by  those  who  spread  the  He — blind  hate  against 
Germany's  opponents.  I  have  before  me  a  number 
of  descriptions  of  scares  in  various  parts  of  the 
Fatherland.  A  few  notices  will  suffice  as  illustra- 
tions. 

"  A  most  terrifying  report  spread  like  wild-fire 
through  the  town  last  Monday  morning,  and  reached 
to  the  farthest  suburbs.  The  waters  of  the  Mangfall 
had  been  poisoned  by  Russian  spies,  and  everyone's 
life  was  in  danger.     It  is  hardly  possible  to  conceive 

♦  Ibid.,  August  3rd.  t  Kolnische  Folkszeitung,  August  3rd. 


WARS   AND   RUMOURS   OF   WARS        97 

the  effect  of  this  terrible  rumour.  Messengers  of 
despair  rushed  from  house  to  house,  knocking  at 
strangers'  doors  in  order  to  spread  the  warning. 
'  That  is  a  deviUsh  deed  !  '  stammered  the  white 
lips  of  women.  '  Only  barbarians  wage  war  in  this 
manner ! '  hissed  the  men,  trembling  with  rage 
and  hate."* 

The  Breslauer-Morgenzeitung  for  August  loth 
contains  an  announcement  from  the  Breslau  muni- 
cipality warning  the  inhabitants  that  the  waters 
of  the  Oder  have  possibly  been  poisoned,  and 
appealing  for  every  precaution  to  be  taken  before 
drinking  from  the  town  supply,  till  a  fresh  supply 
can  be  provided. 

"  The  authorities  in  Danzig  have  declared  the 
waters  of  the  Weichsel  to  be  under  suspicion  of 
having  been  infected  with  cholera  bacilli.  It  is 
presumed  that  cholera  is  raging  on  the  upper 
Weichsel  in  Russia,  and  that  the  Russians  have  not 
allowed  this  to  become  known.  Water  from  the 
river  must  not  be  used  for  any  purposes  connected 
with  human  food  or  drink,  "t 

Finally  the  originator  of  these  rumours  piously 
contradicts  them  all  and  announces,  "  lieb 
Vaterland  magst  ruhig  sein,"  in  the  following 
words  : 

"  Wolff's  Bureau  reports  :  There  is  absolutely  no 

•  The  full  report  of  this  Munich  scare  occupies  more  than  a  column 
in  the  Munch  en- Augsburger  Abendzeitung^  August  loth. 

t  Leipziger  Neiiesten  ISI achrichten^  August  20th.      A  lying  report  pu 
in  circulation  hundreds  of  miles  away  from  Danzig. 

7 


98  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

reason  for  anxiety  on  account  of  the  alleged  poison- 
ing and  infection  of  rivers,  water  supplies  and 
springs  which  have  been  reported  unauthoritatively 
from  all  parts  of  the  country,  and  published  in  the 
Press.  These  rumours,  which  have  caused  grave 
anxiety,  on  closer  investigation  have  all  proved  to 
be  utterly  unfounded."* 

The  war  had  lasted  for  four  weeks,  and  although 
no  rivers  had  been  poisoned,  the  same  could  not 
be  said  of  the  currents  of  popular  opinion. 

"  While  I  was  walking  down  a  street  in  Breslau 
a  tram  suddenly  stopped,  loud  cries  proceeding  from 
within  it.  The  occupants  had  discovered  a 
Russian,  dragged  him  out  and  handed  him  over  to 
a  poHceman  who  led  the  man  away.  But  the 
official  was  unable  to  protect  him,  and  blows  with 
fists  and  sticks  Hterally  rained  on  the  defenceless 
fellow.  The  couple,  surrounded  by  a  howling  crowd, 
had  just  moved  away,  when  a  nun  attracted  the 
attention  of  the  crowd.  On  account  of  a  report 
that  a  Russian  spy  disguised  as  a  nun  had  been 
arrested  the  same  morning,  the  people  imagined 
the  nun  to  be  a  man  in  disguise. 

"  Smiling  at  the  ridiculous  supposition  and  the 
maddened  howls  of  the  ever-increasing  throng,  the 
lady  endeavoured  to  enter  a  tram.  Men  placed 
themselves  in  front  of  the  car,  others  dragged  the 
frightened  woman  out  again  and  with  blows  and 
kicks  she  was  driven  before  them  to  the  next  police 
station.     But  the  saddest  part  of  these  excesses — • 

•  Leipziger  Volkszeitung^  August  27th. 


WARS  AND   RUMOURS   OF  WARS         99 

and  I  am  only  describing  a  few  of  which  I  was 
accidentally  a  witness — is  that  members  of  the 
so-called  educated  classes  participated  in  them."* 

"  On  one  of  the  most  frequented  open  places  in 
Breslau  a  soldier  approached  a  lady  and  looked 
searchingly  into  her  face.  She  understood  him, 
and  remarked  with  a  smile  :  '  I  am  not  a  spy  !  ' 
The  man  replied  :  '  But  you  have  short  hair.  I 
am  sorry,  you  must  come  with  me.' 

"  She  at  once  recognized  that  the  wisest  plan  was 
to  accompany  him,  and  turned  to  do  so.  The 
movement  worked  like  a  signal ;  the  bystanders 
immediately  threw  themselves  in  blind  rage  upon 
the  defenceless  woman.  In  vain  the  single  soldier 
tried  to  protect  her,  and  equally  in  vain  was  the 
assistance  of  two  policemen  who  had  come  up. 
Her  cries  to  be  taken  into  a  neighbouring  house  for 
safety  met  with  no  response. 

"  Her  garments  were  literally  torn  from  her 
body,  a  spectacle  which  finally  proved  to  her 
persecutors  that  she  actually  was  a  woman,  but  that 
fact  no  longer  protects  her.  Brutal  instincts,  once 
let  loose,  are  mad  and  unrestrained.  Blows  con- 
tinue to  fall  on  her  head  and  kicks  rain  against  her 
body.  She  only  tries  to  shield  her  eyes.  '  Take  her 
to  the  police  station  '  was  shouted,  but  that  is  some 
distance  away.  And  any  second  may  mean  death — 
a  horrible,  disgraceful  death. 

"  Having  arrived  in  the  guard-room  the  officials 
are  soon  convinced  that  they  have  to  do  with  an 

*  A  special  correspondent  in  the  Frankfurter  Zeitungy  August  7th. 

7* 


100  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

absolutely  innocent  woman.  Outside  the  throngs 
yelled  in  triumph."* 

A  German  officer  wrote  the  following  account 
to  the  Berliner  Zeitung  am  Mittag  (August  5  th)  : 
"  May  I  supplement  your  article  '  Spies  and  Spy- 
hunting  '  with  a  few  facts  from  my  own  personal 
knowledge.  On  August  3rd  no  fewer  than  sixty- 
four  spies  (?)  were  brought  into  the  police  station 
at  the  Potsdamer  Railway  Station  (BerHn).  Not 
one  was  kept  in  arrest,  for  the  simple  fact  that  they 
were  all  innocent  German  citizens. 

"  Among  others  who  were  '  captured '  and 
threatened  with  death  by  the  raging  crowd  on  the 
Potsdamer  Platz  were :  A  pensioned  Prussian 
major,  who  was  waiting  for  his  son  ;  a  surgeon  in 
the  Landwehr  ;  a  high  official  from  the  Courts  of 
Justice ;  and  lastly,  a  pensioned  Bavarian  army 
officer  who,  on  account  of  his  stature,  was  thought 
to  be  a  Russian.  A  drunken  shop-assistant  egged 
on  the  crowd  against  this  last  suspect,"  so  that  his 
life  was  really  in  danger.  He  was  rescued  by  four 
Prussian  officers,  who  pretended  to  arrest  their 
Bavarian  colleague,  and  were  in  this  way  able  to 
lead  him  into  safety." 

This  twentieth-century  reign  of  terror  is  not, 
however,  without  a  ray  of  humour.  The  semi- 
official Kolnische  Zeitung  (August  4th)  contained  a 
legend  which  set  all  Germany  hunting  for  French 
motor-cars.  "  Several  motor-cars  with  ladies  in 
them,  taking  gold  to  Russia,  are  on  their  way  across 

•  Breslauer  Generalanzeiger^  August  6th. 


WARS   AND   RUMOURS   OF  WARS     101 

Germany.  They  must  be  stopped  and  a  communi- 
cation sent  to  the  nearest  military  or  police 
station." 

*'  The  occupants  of  the  motor-cars  carrying  gold 
to  Russia  are  said  to  have  transferred  the  precious 
metal  to  cyclists  dressed  as  bricklayers."* 

"  The  official  announcement  that  French  and 
Russian  motor-cars  had  been  seen  on  our  country 
roads  has  aroused  the  otherwise  leaden,  heavy 
imaginations  of  the  country  people  to  the  most 
incredible  delirium.  We  will  limit  ourselves  to  a 
single  instance.  One  of  our  cars  met  a  peasant  with 
a  hand-waggon  near  Nerchau.  As  soon  as  he 
perceived  the  motor  he  bolted  in  mad  fright  into  a 
neighbouring  corn-field. 

"  Our  man  called  in  a  friendly  voice :  *  My 
good  fellow,  what  are  you  running  away  for  ?  ' 
Then  the  hero  answered  in  a  trembling  voice  :  '  I 
thought  it  was  a  French  motor  !  '  "f 

On  August  6th  every  important  paper  in  the 
German  Empire  contained  the  following  paragraph 
issued  by  the  "  Army  Direction  "  in  Berlin  : 

"  The  hunt  for  alleged  hostile  motor-cars  must 
stop.  It  endangers  the  motor-car  communications 
so  necessary  to  our  armies." 

This  warning  was  repeated  in  stronger  terms  on 
the  following  day,  and  the  roll  of  murdered  victims 
began  to  leak  out.  "  Unfortunately  through  this 
hunt   several   persons  have   been  wrongfully  shot. 

•  Das  Kleine  Journal  (Berlin),  August  5th. 
I  Leipziger  Volkszeitungy  August  6th. 


102  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

In  Leipzig  a  doctor  and  his  chauffeur  have  been  shot, 
while  between  Berlin  and  Koepenick  a  company  of 
armed  civilians  on  the  look-out  for  Russian  motor- 
cars tried  to  stop  a  car.  The  chauffeur  was  com- 
pelled to  put  the  brakes  on  so  suddenly  that  the 
motor  dashed  into  a  tree,  with  the  result  that  the 
occupants — several  persons  connected  with  the 
army — were  hurled  on  to  the  road  and  received 
dangerous  injuries. 

"  In  Munich  a  chauffeur  was  shot  dead  by  a 
sentinel  because  he  did  not  stop  soon  enough. 
Even  children  are  not  spared  in  this  degrading  fear 
of  spies. 

"  Near  Biiren  (Westphalia)  the  twelve-year-old 
daughter  of  Town  Councillor  Buddeberg  in  Biele- 
feld was  returning  with  her  mother  from  Marburg 
in  a  motor.  Somebody  must  have  telephoned 
that  the  car  was  suspect,  for  the  Landwehr  Society 
placed  armed  sentinels  at  various  points  on  the  road. 
They  cried  '  Halt  !  '  to  the  chauffeur  ;  just  as  the 
car  was  stopping,  shots  were  fired,  and  the  girl 
sank  dead  in  the  arms  of  her  mother. 

"  Even  the  nationalist  journals  have  expressed 
their  astonishment  that  a  civilian  society  is  per- 
mitted to  hold  the  public  highways  with  armed 
guards.  At  Coblence  a  teacher  and  organist  named 
Ritter  was  shot  by  a  sentinel."* 

•  Leipziger  Volkszeitung,  Supplement  I.,  August  7th.  Here  we  have 
proof  that  Germany  allowed  armed  civilians  to  murder  supposed  French- 
men, a  fact  to  be  remembered  when  weighing  Germany's  accusations 
against  Belgian  civilians.  The  German  Government  has  published  a 
White   Book   (328  quarto  pages)  during  the  summer,   1915,  indicting 


WARS  AND   RUMOURS   OF  WARS      103 

In  its  issue  for  August  nth  the  same  newspaper 
gave  the  names  of  four  more  victims  who  had  been 
shot  in  Westphalia.  Among  them  was  a  poor 
woman  of  weak  intellect ;  she  was  near  a  bridge, 
and  failing  to  comply  with  a  sentry's  challenge, 
was  shot.  The  bullet  passed  through  her  leg  and 
killed  a  little  girl  who  was  working  near  her. 

Wolff's  Bureau  in  Berlin  reports :  "  In  spite  of 
the  most  urgent  appeals  which  the  Army  Direction 
has  issued  during  the  last  few  days,  begging  the 
public  not  to  place  hindrances  in  the  way  of  motor- 
cars, blundering  mistakes  are  still  being  made  every 
hour  in  all  parts  of  Germany,  accompanied  by  the 
most  serious  consequences. 

"  The  morning  papers  again  contain  reports  of 
gold-motors  having  been  captured.  There  are 
neither  gold-motors  nor  foreign  motors  in  Germany. 
Anyone  who  interferes  with  motor  traffic  is  com- 
mitting a  sin  against  the  army."* 

Another  warning  appeared  in  all  the  papers  of 

Belgian  civilians  with  all  kinds  of  atrocities.  Waiving  the  point  that  if 
Germany  first  laid  aside  international  law  she  had  no  right  to  expect 
Belgium  to  respect  its  dictates,  it  may  be  safely  assumed  that  the  evidence 
cited  by  the  Germans  is  of  Uttle  or  no  value.  The  oath  which  German 
soldiers  are  compelled  to  take  precludes  the  possibility  that  they  would 
or  could  give  evidence  which  reflected  on  the  conduct  of  the  German 
army  either  in  peace  or  war,  even  if  the  evidence  is  absolutely  true. 
"  In  the  interests  of  military  discipline  "  the  truth  must  be  suppressed. 
The  same  oath  is,  however,  proof  that  the  German  soldier  must  be  pre- 
pared to  lay  down  either  his  life  or  his  honour  in  defence  of  the  army, 
and  in  a  later  chapter  irrefutable  evidence  from  German  sources  will 
be  adduced  to  show  that  the  White  Book  in  question  contains  "  sworn 
lies"  emanating  from  members  of  the  German  army. 

*  Leipziger  Folkszeitung^  August  loth.  _^ 


104  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

August  1 2th  in  a  still  more  imperative  form.  Yet  a 
section  of  the  public  seemed  to  find  a  source  of 
humour  in  this  tragic  hunt.  A  correspondent  of 
the  Berliner  Tageblatt  gave  an  interesting  report 
of  his  motor -ride  (joy-ride  ?)  from  Lindau  to 
Munich. 

"  We  were  hardly  two  kilometres  out  of  Lindau 
when  we  were  stopped  by  a  barricade  of  hay- 
wagons.  On  each  side  peasants  stood  with  threat- 
ening mien,  armed  with  pitchforks,  revolvers  and 
ancient  carbines  at  full-cock.  '  Hands  up  !  '  First 
visitation  ;  we  show  our  papers,  everything  in  order. 
Off  again. 

"  About  every  two  kilometres  this  scene  was 
repeated  :  road  jammed  with  huge,  long  wagons, 
the  same  excitement,  the  same  discussion,  but  now 
and  then  somewhat  sharper.  In  some  villages  the 
duty  to  defend  the  Fatherlana  has  turned  into 
madness. 

"  '  Here,  get  out  !  Where  was  this  paper 
stamped  ?  Yes,  it  is  possible  to  forge  !  '  They 
refuse  to  believe  anything  ;  not  even  a  passport 
from  the  Chief  in  Command,  nor  papers  proving 
me  to  be  a  German  and  my  companion  a  German 
officer.  When  I  tell  them  that  I  am  an  author 
and  journalist  from  Berlin,  they  parry  with  a  '  What 
the  devil  is  that  ?  ' 

"  These  brave  peasants  defend  their  Fatherland 
well.  Once  we  had  to  wait  half  an  hour  till  a 
gendarme  came  and  ended  the  comedy  with  a  few 
short  words.     Then  we  are  allowed  to  get  in  again, 


WARS   AND   RUMOURS   OF  WARS      105 

and  as  I  turn  round  a  peasant  shouts  a  last  greeting  : 
'  Really,  I  took  you  for  a  common  hussy  in  disguise  !  ' 

They  threaten  us  from  the  houses.  Now  and 
then  the  trigger  of  a  gun  clicks  as  it  is  levelled  at  us 
from  a  window.  The  roads  are  lined  with  peasants 
armed  with  all  sorts  of  weapons,  iron  spikes,  dung- 
forks,  clubs,  scythes,  and  old  swords  from  the  time 
of  our  great-grandfathers. 

"  Up  to  the  suburbs  of  Munich  they  stand  at 
every  village  by  day  and  by  night  to  see  that  nothing 
happens  to  the  Fatherland  !  And  even  if  we  were 
stopped  twenty-eight  times  in  this  short  distance  ; 
even  if  we  did  have  to  put  up  with  hard  words  and 
black  looks — we  suffered  all  this  gladly.  We  rejoiced 
to  see  with  our  own  eyes  how  valiantly  our  peasants 
defend  the  frontiers  of  their  Fatherland."* 

In  due  time  the  bloodthirsty  Pecksniff  who  had 
set  the  avalanche  in  motion  appeared  to  express  his 
holy  indignation. 

"  Wolff's  Bureau  has  circulated  the  following 
warning.  Berlin,  August  14th.  This  fatal  hunt 
for  motor-cars  has  claimed  yet  another  victim. 
Recently  an  Austrian  countess  was  shot  while  work- 
ing for  the  Red  Cross,  and  now  a  cavalry  captain 
and  his  chauffeur  have  been  killed  by  a  forest-keeper 
on  the  look-out  for  Russian  automobile, 

"  The  General  Staff  has  again  and  again  issued 
the  most  urgent  demands  that  this  unhappy  hunt 
for  foreign  motorists — which  has  already  caused 
the  death  of  several  good  Germans — should  cease. 

•  Edmund  Edel  in  the  Berliner  Tageblatt^  August  9th. 


106  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

"  It  is  unadulterated  madness  (es  ist  heller  JVahn- 
sinn)  to  search  for  enemy  motors  in  our  land. 
Neither  enemy  officers,  nor  cars  loaded  with  gold, 
are  driving  around  in  Germany.  Would  that  our 
people  would  stop  this  horrible  murder  of  their 
own  countrymen  and  lend  an  ear  to  the  warning 
voice  of  our  Army  Direction.  Our  Fatherland 
needs  every  single  man  in  this  serious  hour."* 

Only  one  more  nail  requires  to  be  driven  home  to 
prove  the  blood-guilt  of  the  German  authorities 
for  the  murder  of  their  own  citizens. 

"  Innumerable  reports  are  in  circulation  about 
the  capture  of  spies  and  the  prevention  of  plots 
against  persons  and  buildings.  In  spite  of  the  fact 
that  the  military  authorities  have  repeatedly  and 
urgently  appealed  for  the  exercise  of  the  greatest 
discretion  in  publishing  such  reports,  the  nationalist 
Press  exploits  every  opportunity  to  disquieten  the 
masses  and  excite  them  to  senseless  delirium. 

"  It  is  obvious  that  we  shall  not  join  in  this  game. 
We  exercise  our  most  careful  judgment  before 
pubHshing  anything ;  in  these  serious  times  we 
must  decline  to  speculate  in  the  thirst  for  sensation 
which  has  been  bred  in  the  public.  Rather,  on  the 
contrary,  we  must  beg  our  readers  always  to  accept 
all  news,  which  now  emanate  almost  entirely 
FROM  OFFICIAL  SOURCES,!  with  the  ucccssary 
reserve."  t 

•  Leipziger  Volkszeitung^  August  15th. 
t  The  emphasis  is  mine.     Author. 
X  Leipziger  Volhzeitung,  August  7th. 


WARS   AND   RUMOURS   OF  WARS      107 

The  author  has  ventured  to  lead  his  readers  on  a 
mad-brained  chase  after  non-existent  motor-cars 
and  mythical  French  gold.  He  hopes  that  his 
readers'  patience  has  not  been  exhausted,  because 
the  ride  may  prove  an  instructive  education  in 
German  methods  and  the  standards  of  truth 
accepted  in  a  country  where  only  might  is  right. 

The  object  in  view,  in  submitting  these  modern 
fairy-tales  to  the  British  public,  is  to  lay  bare  the 
pillars  of  truth  which  support  the  Fatherland. 
During  the  first  month  of  the  war  there  was  an 
outbreak  of  brutality  in  Germany ;  contempo- 
raneously with  these  horrors  some  million  members 
of  the  same  nation  flooded  Belgium  with  dread 
deeds  of  an  indescribable  nature.  This  is  a 
noteworthy  coincidence. 

We  have  seen  how  Germans  treat  Germans, 
which  makes  it  easier  to  comprehend  how  Germans 
treated  Belgians.  The  present  chapter  gives  a 
picture  of  how  the  German  Press  is  worked,  how 
popular  opinion  is  created  and  blood-lust  awakened. 
When  dealing  with  Germany's  defence  of  her 
Belgian  horrors,  we  shall  find  that  her  entire  case 
rests  alone  upon  the  utterances  of  her  oracles  of 
truth  :  Wolff's  Telegraphic  Bureau  and  Germany's 
venal,  lying  newspapers.  ; 

That  was  the  reason  for  this  mad  joy-ride  from 
end  to  end  of  the  German  Empire,  and  that  is  the 
only  apology  which  the  author  has  to  make  for 
introducing  the  latest  contributions  to  Germanic 
mythology  into  an  otherwise  serious  work. 


108  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

Incidentally  we  have  observed  that  German 
civilians  were  permitted  to  bear  arms  and  did  not 
hesitate  to  use  them  "  in  defence  of  the  Father- 
land," as  Edmund  Edel  put  it.  The  civilians  were 
doubtless  inspired  by  the  noble  desire  to  grab 
French  gold.  Yet  when  Belgian  civilians — as 
Wolff's  Bureau  alleges — dared  to  defend  their 
homes,  wives  and  children  against  the  most 
treacherous  and  dastardly  invasion  in  the  world's 
history — then,  of  course,  Germany  was  perfectly 
justified  in  murdering  all  and  sundry,  burning 
towns  and  hamlets  and  laying  waste  a  fertile  land. 


CHAPTER  VI 

THE    DEBACLE    OF    THE    SOCIAL    DEMOCRATS 

IN  the  second  paragraph  of  the  Social  Demo- 
cratic programme  pubHshed  after  the  Halle 
Congress  in  1890,  we  read  :  "  The  German  work- 
men's socialistic  party,  although  working  for  the 
present  on  national  lines,  is  aware  of  the  inter- 
national character  of  the  workmen's  movement,  and 
is  determined  to  fulfil  all  duties  accruing  thereby 
to  the  working  classes,  in  order  to  make  the  brother- 
hood of  all  men  a  reality." 

At  that  meeting — the  first  to  be  held  after  the 
repeal  of  Bismarck's  anti-socialist  law — the  president 
claimed  that  they  had  secured  more  votes  at  the 
Reichstag  election  than  any  other  party  ;  they  were 
the  strongest  political  party  in  Germany. 

Since  that  year  they  have  consistently  increased 
their  power,  till  in  the  present  Reichstag  they  have 
no  fewer  than  one  hundred  and  eleven  members, 
giving  them  almost  an  absolute  majority. 

It  seems  an  irony  of  fate  that  at  Halle  in  1890 
one  of  the  speakers  who  dilated  on  international 
brotherhood    and    the    inseparable    bonds    which 

109 


110  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

bound  Belgian  and  German  workmen — was  a 
Belgian  delegate  !  Singer,  in  reporting  on  the 
doings  of  the  representatives  in  the  Reichstag,  said  : 
"  We  consider  peace  among  the  nations  to  be  an 
indispensable  preliminary  for  the  improvement  of 
social  conditions.  We  vote  against  expenditure  for 
military  purposes,  because  we  are  convinced  that 
this  continuous  arming,  accompanied  by  the  con- 
stant improvement  of  murderous  weapons,  must  be 
ended.  It  is  contradictory  to  the  civilizing  task 
of  the  nations  for  them  to  be  armed  to  the  teeth, 
lying  in  wait  for  the  moment  when  they  can  devour 
each  other. 

"  Militarism  is  an  evil  for  the  nations  ;  its 
burdens  cannot  be  borne  for  ever,  and  even  to-day 
the  nations  are  collapsing  under  them.  Modern 
conditions  are  unbearable  ;  out  of  them  spring 
ever-increasing  armaments,  and  at  last  a  time  will 
come  when  war  must  break  out,  because  the  state 
of  modern  armed  peace  will  one  day  have  become 
impossible." 

Another  authoritative  pronouncement  from  the 
report*  of  the  Social  Democratic  Congress  in 
Erfurt,  1 89 1,  deserves  mention.  It  is  a  passage  from 
a  speech  delivered  by  the  elder  Liebknecht  in  the 
Reichstag  :  "  As  regards  the  defence  of  the  Father- 
land all  parties  will  be  united  when  it  is  necessary 
to  meet  an  outside  enemy.  In  that  moment  no 
party  v/ill  shirk  its  duty." 

*  "  Protokoll  liber  die  Verhandlungen  des  Parteitags  der  Soz.  Dem^ 
Partei  Deutschlands  zu  Erfurt   »Sfli." 


DEBACLE  OF  SOCIAL   DEMOCRATS    111 

This  is  an  instance  of  what  Germans  call  Ruck- 
versicherung,  or  a  covering  insurance.  Having 
pledged  themselves  never  to  leave  the  Fatherland 
in  the  lurch — and  the  pledge  was  repeated  on  many 
occasions — they  were  free  to  babble  to  French, 
English  and  Italian  Socialists  about  the  blessings 
of  internationalism,  general  strikes,  and  eternal 
peace.  But  there  is  no  single  instance  on  record 
to  show  that  German  Socialists  considered  any  other 
benefits  of  internationalism,  except  those  which 
served  the  purposes  of  their  own  nationalism. 

At  Halle,  1890,  Liebknecht  said  :  "  These  ideas 
are  indisputably  correct.  Nobody,*  no  matter 
how  enthusiastic  he  may  be  for  the  international 
cause,  will  dare  to  maintain  that  we  have  no  national 
duties.  National  and  international  are  not 
opposing  principles.  The  word  *  national '  must 
be  rightly  understood.  It  includes  only  a  certain, 
limited  portion  of  international  humanity.  The 
part  belongs  to  the  whole,  and  international  merely 
means  going  beyond  the  boundary-posts  of  the 
nation,  the  narrower  limits  of  the  native  land ;  to 
extend  one's  horizon  to  include  the  whole  ;  to 
consider  humanity  as  one  family  and  the  world  as 
a  home." 

The  error  into  which  British  SociaHsts  have 
fallen — or    been    led — is    their    attitude    towards 

*  Liebknecht  was   wrong.     There   are   dupes   who   hold   that   their 
international  obligations  come  before  their  national  duties,  and  unfor 
tunately  in  the  ranks  of  these  traitors,  English  M.P.'s  may  be  found, 
who    receive  ;^4oo  per    annum    from    the  British  State,    presumably 
to  aid  them  in  injuring  the  British  cause. 


112  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

militarism.  German  Democrats  have  never  de- 
nounced the  bearing  of  arms ;  they  have  admitted 
that  arms  will  always  be  necessary,  pre-supposing 
that  the  world  continues  along  the  same  lines  of 
development  as  heretofore. 

They  have  only  objected  to  the  existing  Jorm* 
of  militarism,  but  otherwise  they  have  always  been 
unanimous  that  military  training  should  be  com- 
pulsory and  universal.  Their  British  Genossen 
(comrades)  have  either  misunderstood  or  wilfully 
perverted  these  teachings.  German  Socialists  have 
unswervingly  insisted  upon  every  man  learning  the 
use  of  arms,  while  their  British  followers  have 
preached  absolute  disarmament  and  done  their 
utmost  to  betray  this  country  into  weakening  her- 
self below  the  minimum  necessary  to  guard  the 
land,  and  to  maintain  the  country's  pledges  to  the 
world. 

In  Halle,  Herr  Bebel  made  this  statement  :  "  I 
have  already  made  it  clear  that  I  consider  the  efforts 
of  the  so-called  peace  friends  towards  disarmament 
to  be  useless  (aussichtslos),  because  it  is  unthinkable 

•  Kautsky  :  "  Die  Internationalitat  und  der  Krieg "  (Vorwarts 
Publishing  House,  Berlin,  1915),  p.  26.  "We  have  fought  against  the 
military  system  not  to  make  the  land  defenceless,  but  in  order  to  intro- 
duce another  system  in  its  place,  which  will  give  us  the  necessary 
guarantees  that  the  army  will  always  be  the  tool  of  the  civil  authorities 
and  never  their  master.  When  the  latter  is  the  case  we  call  such  a 
condition  *  militarism,'  and  it  is  against  that  alone  that  we  fight." 
Seeing  that  miHtary  power  is  absolutely  subordinated  to  the  civil 
authorities  in  the  case  of  Great  Britain  (Mutiny  Acts),  then  according 
to  the  principles  of  German  Socialists  their  British  colleagues  were 
wrong  in  all  the  efforts  which  they  have  made  against  the  armed  powers 
of  these  islands. 


DEBACLE   OF  SOCIAL   DEMOCRATS    US 

that  the  rival  States  would  agree  to  legal  restrictions 
concerning  disarmament.  If  such  were  made, 
each  would  endeavour  by  secret  preparations  to 
out-do  the  other.  War  and  national  enmity  are 
necessary  products  of  society,  and  the  existing  class 
distinctions." 

The  Germans  were  quite  logical  in  this  matter  ; 
in  effect  they  said — the  existing  States  and  forms 
of  government  make  militarism  necessary,  and  war 
inevitable.  Therefore  we  declare  war  to  the  knife 
on  every  existing  government,  including  Russian 
Czarism,  British  constitutionalism,  German  auto- 
cracy and  American  republicanism.  They  are  one 
and  all  rotten,  unjust  and  inhuman.  Our  pro- 
gramme includes  their  complete  overthrow  and  the 
erection  in  their  stead  of  a  Folksstaat  (People's 
State). 

The  position  is  perfectly  simple,  and  to  those 
who  are  sufficiently  ignorant  and  naive  this  pro- 
gramme promises  an  universal  salvation,  as  delirious 
in  its  joy  as  that  expected  by  African  races  when 
bending  the  knee  before  images  of  wood  and  stone. 
German  Socialists  are  pledged  just  as  irrevocably 
to  the  doctrines  of  brute  force  as  are  the  Junker  and 
military  powers  in  the  German  Fatherland.  What 
is  their  industrial  and  class  warfare  but  an  attempt 
to  enforce  the  doctrine  of  might  is  right  ? 

In  the  official  programme  drawn  up  at  Erfurt, 
1 89 1,  there  is  a  paragraph  stating  a  claim  for 
uneingeschrdnktes  Koalitionsrecht  (absolute  and  un- 
limited right  of  coaHtion),  which  means  that  the 

8 


114  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

masses  may  unite  to  enforce  what  they  will,  and 
annihilate  whom  they  please.  The  same  rights  of' 
coalition  are  denied  to  anyone  else,  and  in  the  coal-. 
strikes  in  South  Wales*  we  have  a  lurid  example- 
such  instances  could  not  be  found  in  Germany-— 
of  the  absolute  and  unlimited  right  of  coalition  at 
the  risk  of  undoing  any  and  every  other  right. 

The  point  is  this:  German  Socialists  have  de- 
clared their  intention  to  give  no  allegiance  to  any 
existing  form  of  government  ana  to  overthrow 
them  at  the  earliest  possible  moment.  Do  British 
Socialists  accept  this  part  of  the  programme  ? 

Throughout  German  Social  Democratic  litera-, 
ture  we  find  Mr.  Ramsay  Macdonald  referred  to 
2t%  'Geftosse  Ramsay  Macdonald,  which  means  that 
he  is  considered  a  full  member  of  the  brotherhood. 
If  that  is  really  the  case,  and  if  he  accepts  their 
programme  as  one, to  be  followed  here  he  would  be 
favouring  the  substitution  of  the  Volksstaat  for 
the  British  constitutional  monarchy. 

In  face  of  this  it  may  be  asked  why  do  British 
members  of- the  Socialist  party  take  an  oath.  on. 
entering  the  House  of  Commons,  and  why  do 
they  accept  £400  per  annum  to  support  a  national 
State,  if  they  have  pledged  themselves  inter- 
nation-ally  to  overthrow  it  ? 

The  author  admits  his  inability  to  solve  the 
riddle,  but  during  the  years  1902-1914  he  has 
heard-members  of  all  non-SociaHst  German  parties 
assert  "that  the  German  Socialists  do  not  recognize 

•  The  strikes  during  the  present  war. — ^Author. 


DilBACLE   OF   SOCIAL   DEMOCRATS     115 

any  religious  oath,  and  sections  of  the  Socialists 
admit  this  position.  As  a  party  they  are  pro- 
fessedly atheistic  ;  therefore  when  the  might  of 
the  German  State  compels  them  to  take  an  oath — 
they  take  it  with  an  inward  Ruckversicherung, 

In  a  word,  false-swearing  is  permitted,  when  one 
is  obliged  by  circumstances,  to  take  an  oath  to 
authorities  whose  right  and  might  the  oath-taker 
does  not  admit.  So  long  ago  as  1892  the  Social 
Democrats  were  pubHcly  charged  with  condoning 
perjury  in  order  to  rescue  fellow  members  from  the 
results  of  breaches  of  the  law.  Judge  Schmidt  in  a 
court  at  Breslau  said  in  that  year  :  "  Social  Demo- 
crats have  never  concealed  the  fact  that  they  are; 
hostile  tp  any  religious  form  of  oath.  For  them  the 
religious  importance  and  responsibility  of  an  oath 
has  no  meaning  whatever."  Numerous  German 
judges  and  authors  have  expressed  themselves  in 
a  similar  strain. 

Readers  who  are  interested  in  the  point  are 
referred  to  the  report*  of  the  Socialist  Congress 
held  in  Berlin,  October,  1892.  The  party  leaders 
endeavoured  to  gloss  the  matter  over  with  righteous 
indignation  and  ambiguous  phrases,  but  it  never- 
theless remains  a  fact  that  the  desire  to  counteract 
effectively,  a  tendency  to  perjury  among  Socialists 
led  the  German  Government  a  few  years  later 
to  .make  perjury  punishable  by  penal  servitude 
up  to  ten  years. 

•  All    these  reports  may  be  seen  in  the  British  Museum  Reading 
Room.    Press  mark  is  :  oSo/zd. 

8* 


116  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

Before  leaving  the  Volksstaat  the  author  only 
wishes  to  state  that  it  lays  the  axe  on  every  con- 
ception of  morality,  religion  and  social  order  which 
we  esteem.  In  the  place  of  existing  conditions, 
it  would  erect  a  mob  tyranny  more  degrading  to 
the  individual  than  Czarism  or  Republicanism. 
The  mines  of  Siberia  and  the  tinned-meat  factories 
of  Chicago  may  enslave  the  body,  but  the 
Volksstaat,  as  portrayed  by  Socialist  writers  and 
speakers,  promises  an  intellectual  tyranny — hope- 
less alike  to  body  and  soul ;  and  those  who  have 
had  an  opportunity  to  observe  the  brutal  tyranny 
called  "  party  discipline  "  which  rules  the  German 
Social  Democrats,  will  bear  the  present  writer  out 
in  saying  that  its  like,  could  only  be  found  inside 
the  German  army. 

The  strongest,  best  organized  and  most 
thoroughly  disciplined  political  party  in  the 
world  has  repeatedly  expressed  its  unalterable 
determination  to  place  national  before  interna- 
tional interests,  whenever  these  two  should  seem 
to  be  at  variance.  In  the  light  of  these  declara- 
tions, the  action  of  German  Socialists  in  giving 
unreserved  support  to  the  German  Government  in 
this  war,  is  not  altogether  surprising. 

Furthermore,  this  foundation-stone  in  their 
policy  ought  never  to  have  been  left  out  of  con- 
sideration when  pondering  over  their  ecstatic 
utterances  on  peace  and  internationalism. 

The  communistic  manifesto  of  Karl  Marx  and 
Friedrich  Engels,  first  published  in  London  in  the 


DEBACLE  OF  SOCIAL   DEMOCRATS     117 

German  language  in  1847,  contains  the  following  : 
"  Men  say  that  we  Communists  wish  to  destroy 
the  nationality  of  the  native  land.  Workmen  have 
no  Fatherland.  It  is  impossible  to  take  away  what 
they  do  not  possess.  The  Communists  scorn  to 
conceal  their  views  and  intentions.  We  declare 
openly,  that  their  aims  can  only  be  attained  by  the 
violent  overthrow  of  all  existing  social  orders. 
Let  the  ruling  classes  tremble  before  a  communistic 
revolution.  The  proletarians  have  nothing  but 
their  chains  to  lose,  while  they  have  a  world  to 
gain."* 

German  Socialists  have  incorporated  these  prin- 
ciples in  theory  in  their  programme,  but  in  practice 
they  do  not  hold  them,  especially  if  their  own 
skins  are  endangered,  together  with  the  Govern- 
ment which  is  threatened  by  "  violent  overthrow." 
That  is  the  sum  total  of  their  extensive  defence — 
literature  published  since  the  outbreak  of  the 
present  war.  In  its  naked  reality  that  is  what 
the  guarantee-insurance  policy  covered.  So  long 
as  no  danger  threatened  their  own  lives,  goods 
and  chattels,  such  eloquence  as  the  following 
extracts  were  shouted  into  the  world  ;  but  when 
they  personally  stood  face  to  face  with  the  Moloch 
upon  which  for  years  they  had  heaped  contemp- 
tuous abuse,  then  national  {i.e.^  personal)  interests 
came  first. 

•  "  Envy  and  greed  are  the  two  powerful  levers  by  which  the  Social 
Democrats  are  endeavouring  to  lift  the  world  off  its  hinges.  They 
live  by  the  destruction  of  every  ideal."  Treitschke  in  the  "  Preussische 
Jahrbiicher,"  vol.  34. 


118  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

,  ,  JJerx  Fischer,  in  his.  capacity  as  ^president-  of 
the  Socialist  Congress  in  Berlin,  1^2,  saidiv^-;— 
,,,-,"  The  reception  of  French  delegates  at  Halle, 
and  of  Liebknecht  at  Marseilles,  have  proved 
incontrovertibly  that  the  struggling  French  prole- 
tarians are  of  one  mind  and  heart  with  German 
.Social  Democracy.  Let .  the  chauvinists,  burning 
with -hate  jon  this  and  that  side  the  Rhine,  urge 
us  on  to  war  ;  let  the  diplomats  and  Governments 
of  both  countries  sacrifice  the^  well-being  of^the 
two  nations  to  militarism  and  the  war-bogey.  The 
working-men  in  the  two  countries  stretch  out 
their  hands  to  each  other  over  the  frontiers  as 
pioneers- of,  true  culture  and  morality.  They -s^re 
convinced  that  there  is.  only  one  enemy  which 
separates  them,  and  that  it  is  their  common  task 
to  fight  against  and  annihilate  this  one  enemy— 
capitalism." 

,^"  Now  as  ever,  we  Social  Democrats  reply  to 
the  Government's  military  and  economic  policy 
this ,  parole :  Not  a  man  and  not  a  farthing  will 
be  voted  for  this  system  !  "* 

-These  quotations  have  been  intentionally  taken 
from  speeches,  etc.,  published  in  the  early  nineties  of 
the  last  century.  If  necessary,  it  would  be  an  easy 
matter  to  fill  several  volumes  of  similar  matter 
from  the  annual  congress  reports  down  to  191 3  ; 
from  the  vast  mass  of  German  Social  Democratic 
literature  published  between  1890  and  1914 ;    and 

. ,  •  Social  Democrat,  memhers  of  fhe  Reichstag  In  their  report  to  the 
annual  congress  held  in  Cologne,  1893. 


DEBACLE   OF   SOCIAL  DEMOCRATS    119 

from  the  hundred  party  newspapers  and  reviews 
circulated  in  the  Fatherland.  Yet  in  the, face 
of  all  these  assurances  it  seemed  to  us,  that  the 
German  Socialists  had  shamefully  betrayed  their 
principles  on  August  4th,  191 4,  by  giving  their 
unreserved  support  to  V'  Germany's  Holy  War."* 

-Probably  the  betrayal  was  not  so  shameful 
as  it  seemed,  because  the  fact  was  not  made 
knovm ,  in  this  country  that  the  German 
Socialists  had  but  imitated  Bismarck's  policy 
with  Russia  and  Austria.  (Bismarck  concluded 
a  treaty  with  the  one  Power,  then  behind 
that  Power's  back  he  concluded  a  Ruckver-^ 
suh^rungsvertrag  with  the  other,  t,e,,  a  , covering 
insurance  policy  intended  to  protect  him  agains;t 
all  risks.) 

.  .During  a  quarter  of  a  century,  German  Social 
Deniocrats  have  been  the  most  ardent  and  insistent 
pioneers  of  internationalism  and  anti-n\ilitarism. 
But  it  has  not  been  so  generally  known  that  they 
toa/.Uave  protected  their  rear  by  a  Rilckversicher- 
upg:  (i.)  They  have  consistently. -taught  that 
every  man  must  learn  to  bear  arms,  and-  that  bath 
man  and  woman  must  be  prepared  to  make  any 
sacrifice  for  their  Fatherland.  (2.)  They  have  always 
held  that  national  interests  must  be  considered 
before  international  palaver. 

In  Chapter  I.  we  have  seen  that  up  till  July  28th, 
1914,    the     German     Social     Democratic     Party 

*'In'  all  Germany,  and  among  all  classes,  this  has  become^h«  pof)ular 
designation  of  the  European  war  :    "  Unser  heiliger  Krieg." 

10 


120  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

considered  Austria  and  Germany  to  be  entirely  re- 
sponsible for  the  European  crisis.  They  had  then  no 
shadow  of  doubt,  that  Austria  alone  was  guilty  for 
bringing  the  danger  of  a  European  war  to  their  very 
doors ;  from  that  point  we  again  take  up  the  story.* 
Three  days  later  they  tacitly  agreed  that  Russia 
was  the  guilty  party  and  acquiesced  in  the  mobili- 
zation of  the  German  army.  On  August  ist 
this  proclamation  occupied  the  front  page  of  their 
seventy-seven  daily  papers  : 

"  Parteigenossen  !  Military  law  has  been  pro- 
claimed. Any  hour  may  bring  with  it  the  out- 
break of  the  world  war.  Thereby  the  severest 
trials  will  be  imposed  upon,  not  only  our  nation, 
but  upon  the  whole  of  our  continent. 

"  Up  till  the  last  minute  the  internationalists 
have  done  their  duty,  and  on  the  other  side  of 
our  frontiers  every  nerve  is  being  strained  to 
preserve  peace  and  to  make  war  impossible. 

"  If  our  earnest  protests,  our  repeated  endeavours 
have  been  without  success,  it  is  because  the  con- 
ditions under  which  we  live  have  once  again 
proved    stronger   than    our   will,    and    the    will   of 

•  In  all  the  mass  of  literature  published  by  German  Socialists  during 
the  war  I  have  found  only  one  mention  of  their  first  attitude  to  the 
war  danger.  On  the  first  anniversary  of  the  ultimatum  to  Serbia 
(July  23rd,  19 1 5)  the  Leipziger  Folkszeitung  contains  these  lines  in  a 
leading  article  :  "  To-day  we  may  not  repeat  that  which  we  wrote 
about  the  ultimatum  in  our  issue  of  July  24th,  19 14.  But  there  was 
no  doubt  in  any  section  of  the  Press,  that  Europe  stood  on  the  brink  of 
war  from  the  moment  that  ultimatum  was  despatched." 


DiiBACLE   OF  SOCIAL   DEMOCRATS    121 

our  workmen  brothers.     Hence,   whatever  comes, 
we  must  now  face  it  with  firmness. 

"The  horrible  self -laceration  of  the  European 
peoples,  is  the  cruel  confirmation  of  our  warnings 
to  the  ruling  classes  for  more  than  a  generation  ; 
we  have  spoken  admonishingly  and  in  vain. 

^^  Parteigenossen  (comrades),  we  shall  not  live 
through  coming  events  in  fatalistic  indifference  ; 
we  shall  remain  true  to  our  cause  ;  we  shall  hold 
firmly  together,  permeated  by  the  sublime 
greatness  of  our  cultural  mission. 

"  The  women,  on  whom  the  burden  of  events 
presses  two  and  threefold,  have  above  all,  in 
these  serious  times,  the  task  of  working  in  the 
spirit  of  Socialism  for  the  high  ideals  of  humanity, 
so  that  a  repetition  of  this  dreadful  catastrophe 
may  be  averted,  and  this  war  may  be  the  last. 

*'  The  stern  regulations  of  martial  law  strike  the 
workmen's  movement  with  terrible  force.  Im- 
prudent actions,  useless  and  falsely-conceived  sacri- 
fices, damage  in  this  moment  not  only  the 
individual,  but  also  our  cause. 

"  Comrades,  we  appeal  to  you  to  persevere  in 
the  unshakable  confidence  that  the  future  belongs, 
in  spite  of  all,  to  nation-binding  Socialism,  to 
justice   and  humanity. 

"  Der  Parteivorstand. 
(The  leaders  of  the  party.) 

"BerHn,  July  31st,  1914." 

With  these  words,  milHons  of  German  Socialists, 


Its  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

represented  by  four  and  a  quarter  million  voters 
and  a  hundred  and  eleven  members  of  the  Reichs- 
tag, tacitly  denied  their  previous  protestations, 
that  Austrian  Imperialism  was  letting  loose  the 
war-fury  on  Europe.  There  are  rumours  of  a 
secret  consultation  with  the  German  Chancellor, 
but  that  is  of  little  import  in  this  place.  The 
leaders  of  this  huge  party  proclaimed  on  July  25th 
that  Austria  was  the  blood-guilty  power  and 
maintained  this  attitude  in  spite  of  bloodshed  till 
II  p.m.  on  July  28th.  By  what  lightning-change 
Austria's  original  guilt  was  transferred  to  Russia 
by  July  31st  is  not  recorded. 

With  regard  to  the  text  of  the  above  proclama- 
tion, there  are  variations  to  be  noted.  In  the 
Vorwdrts  it  runs  "  within  and  without  our  fron- 
tiers "  in  the  second  paragraph ;  the  text  as  I  have 
given  it  is  taken  from  the  Leipziger  V olkszeitung, 
I^.  ,the  fifth  paragraph  the  Nuremberg  /"ri^^^uc^^ 
%ages'ppst  gives, -^*  capitalistic  "for  "fatahstic." - 

.A  few  extracts  from  Socialist .  newspapers. will, 
suffice  to  illustrate  the  complete  change  of  front 
which, happened  in  three  days  :     ; 

_".  We  Social  -  Democrats  in-  this  solemn  hour 
a^e  at  oner  with  the,  whole  German  nation,  without 
distinction  of  party  or  creed,  in  accepting  the 
fight,  forced  upon -US -by  Russian  barbarism,  and  we 
are , ready  Xo -fight  till  the  last  drop  of  blood  for 
Germany's  national  independence,  fame  ,  and 
greatness."  Der  Volksfreund  (Karlsruhe),  August  ist. 

"  We  desired  peace  and  we  have   done  every- 


DlfcBACLE   OF  SOCIAL  DEMOCRATS    128 

;tliing  humanly  possible  to  secure  that  end. .-  But 
when  war  is-  forced  upon  us  by:- -Russian  rCzariam, 
theUj  whatever  the  final  decision  may  be,  we 
must  drop  all  class  distinctions:  and  diSerences 
of  every  kind^  to  form  a  single,  determined  people, 
prepared  tO;  defend  Germany's  independence  and 
greatness  against  the  enemy — -even  to  rthe-rlast 
drop  of  blood."    Volksstimme  (Mannheim)-,  July  31&t. 

"  A  defeat  would  mean  collapse,  annihilation 
and-  horrors  most  dreadful  for  -allr  of  ua.*.  vOur 
imaginations  revolt  at  such  a  possibility.  , ,  Our 
representatives  in  the  Reichstag  have -unanimously 
declared  on  innumerable  occasions  that  the,  Social 
Democrats  could  not  leave  their  Fatherland  in 
the  lurch  ^when  the  hour  of  destiny  strikes:; 
the  workmen  will  now  redeem  the  promise  giv-en 
by  ,  their  representatives.  The  '  Fatherlandle^s 
fellows 't  will  do  their  duty,  and  in  doing.it,  will 
allow  themselves  to  be  s,urpassed  in  no  wise  by.  the 
patriots."     Munchener  Pax/,  August  ist.n  "^s^x:^;^ , 

"Whatever  our  opponents  have  don^rctxjr ms, 
at  this  moment  we  all  feel  the  duty  to  fight  against 
Russian,  knout-rule. :  Our  women  and  children 
shall  not  be  sacrificed  to  Russian  bestiality,  nor 
the  German  people  become  a  booty  for  the 
Cossacks."  Die  Volksstimme  (Chemnitz),  August  2nd. 

It  is  possible  that  even  at  the  end  of  the  war 

•  These   sentiments  did  not  occur  to  this  journalist  when  Germany 
began  a  ruthless  war  of  invasion  on  Belgium. — Author. 

t  A  phrase  of  contempt  employed  by  th€  Raiser  when  speakiilg'df 
the  Social  Democrats  in  1889,  and  which  became  proverbial. 


Iti    ^        WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

no  explanation  will  be  forthcoming  for  this 
astounding  change  of  attitude.  Some  have  sug- 
gested that  the  Russian  or  Slavonic  danger  caused 
it.  Yet  just  these  journals,  and  this  party,  had 
maintained,  so  long  as  any  degree  of  free  speech 
was  permitted,  that  Austria  had  provoked  the 
danger,  and  they  were  fully  aware  that  the  German 
Government  had  from  first  to  last  approved  of 
and  openly  assisted  in  provoking,  nay  challenging, 
Russia  on  a  question  which  involved  the  latter's 
prestige  and  diplomatic  existence. 

Bethmann-Hollweg  gave  the  alleged  Russian 
mobilization  as  the  immediate  cause  of  the  war^ 
but  doubtless  the  Social  Democrats  knew  full 
well  that  for  several  days  before  Russia's  mobili- 
zation was  announced,  Germany  had  been  secretly 
mobiHzing  her  army.  From  July  26th  till  July 
30th  German  papers  contained  many  reports 
that  Russia  was  mobilizing  ;  they  may  have  been 
true  or  not,  but  the  diplomatic  correspondence 
published  by  Austria  and  discussed  on  page  63 
shows  conclusively  that  the  Central  Powers  were 
baiting  Russia  into  taking  that  step,  and  when  the 
greatest  Slavonic  power  had  made  the  desired 
move,  Germany  replied  with  an  ultimatum  which 
brought  about  the  war,  so  ardently  desired  by  the 
great  majority  of  Germany's  warlike  tribes. 

Britishers  who  sympathize  with  German  Social 
Democracy  may  advance  the  plea  :  If  Germany's 
military  preparations  were  secret,  how  could  the 
Social    Democrats    know    of    these    proceedings  ? 


DEBACLE   OF  SOCIAL   DEMOCRATS    125 

The  answer  is  direct  and  simple  :  Every  individual 
Social  Democrat — and  men,  women,  and  children, 
they  number  some  twenty  millions — ^has  for  years 
past  been  a  spy  and  informer  in  the  interests  of 
the  UmsturzparUi  (overthrow-party).  All  the 
happenings  of  the  workshop,  barracks,  farmyard, 
shop  and  office  have  been  systematically  reported 
to  the  local  Press,  and  local  committees  of  the 
Democratic  Party  ;  the  ammunitions  thus  obtained 
have  been  just  as  systematically  employed  to  fire 
insidious  paragraphs  and  Press  articles  at  govern- 
ments, local  authorities,  employers,  officers,  and 
even  the  employers  of  servant-girls.  Of  late  years 
it  has  been  dangerous  to  have  a  difference  even 
with  a  maid-servant ;  a  few  days  later  the  in- 
evitable insidious,  anonymous  attack  would  certainly 
appear  in  one  or  other  of  the  S.  D.  journals. 

One  instance  will  suffice  to  illustrate  the  every- 
day routine  of  the  class-war  (Klassenkampf)  in 
which  the  whole  energies  of  the  Social  Democrats 
have  been  absorbed  for  a  quarter  of  a  century. 
An  acquaintance  of  the  author's.  Major  Schub,  in 
the  19th  Infantry  Regiment,  stationed  in  Erlangen, 
dared  some  years  ago  to  send  his  orderly  with  a 
she-goat  to  a  peasant  in  the  district  who  kept  the 
indispensable  he-goat.  Two  days  later  he  was 
pilloried  in  a  Fiirth  paper  for  calling  upon  a  private 
soldier  to  fulfil  such  a  degrading  office.  German 
workmen  do  not  read  the  Vorwdrts  (its  circulation 
is  well  under  100,000),  but  they  read  one  or  other 
of  the  seventy  purveyors  of  filth  and  class  hatred 


12ff  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

which    form    the     stock-in-trade     of    the    Social 
Democratic  Party. 

The  author  of  this  work,  knew  as  early  as 
July  25th5  that  reserve  officers  had  been  warned 
to  hold  themselves  in  readiness ;  on  succeeding 
days  he  saw  tangible  evidence  that  mobilization 
was  proceeding  stealthily,  and  it  would  be  ridi- 
culous for  him  to  claim  greater  knowledge  than 
the  hundred  and  eleven  S.  D.  members  of  the 
Reichstag,  and  the  seventy-seven  editors  of  their 
party  papers — especially  when  these  have  an  army 
of  millions  of  spies  at  their  command. 

In  order  to  obtain  a  correct  judgment  of  the 
motives  which  actuated  German  Social  Democrats 
in"  their  complete  support  of  the  German  Govern- 
ment it  is^  necessary  to  consult  the  works  published 
by  them  during  the  war.  Karl  Kautsky  writes  :* 
"  That  which  under  these  circumstances,  was  most 
irnmediate  and  pressing  in  determining  the  attitude 
to  war,  not  only  for  the  masses,  but  "also  many 
of  our  leaders,  was  the  fear  of  a  hostile  invasion, 
thje  urgent  necessity  to  keep  the  enemy  out  of  our 
territory,  no  matter  what  the  causes,  object  or 
results  of  the  war  may  be.  This  fear  was  never 
greater  and  more  justified  than  on  this  occasion  ; 
never  have  the  devastating  results  of  invasion 
been  more  terrible.  Belgium  and  East  Prussia 
speak  plainly. 

"  The  increased  size  of  the  armies  greatly  extends 
the  unavoidable  desolation  of  war,  and  in  addition 

"♦  *'  Die  Internationalitit  und  der  Krieg."    Berlin,  1915  j  p.  32, 


D^BACLE   of  social   democrats      127 

to  this  a  second  strongly-working  popular  motive 
decides  the  attitude  of  a  nation  to  war,  viz.,  the 
interest  of  the  entire  people  in  the  fate  of  an  army 
in  which  every  family  is  represented." 

It  thus  becomes  evident  that  no  motives  of 
justice,  right  or  wrong,  or  politics  played  any  part 
in  the  decision  arrived  at,  but  merely  a  great 
fear  which  impelled  the  Social  Democrats  to  con- 
sider first  and  foremost  how  to  save  their  own  skins. 
.'  All  protest  meetings  were  cancelled  on  August 
1st,  aiiid  the  Press  restricted  itself  to  chronicling 
rumours  and  events.  The  sitting  of  the  Reichstag 
was  awaited  with  impatience  as  that  was  expected 
to  bring  more  light  on  the  crisis.  The  effect 
which  Bethmann-Hollweg  produced  upon  his 
hearers  was  to  convince  them  that  Russia  alone 
was  to  blame.  "  The  question  of  supporting  the 
war  by  voting  a  loan  was  all  the  easier  for  us  to 
decide,  because  the  provocation  had  come,  not 
from  France  or  England,  but  from  Russia.  I 
admit  openly  that  while  I  was  travelling  to  Berlin 
to  the  Reichstag  I  had  very  little  time  to  hunt 
for  precedents  in  the  party's  history  to  determine 
my  vote.  For  me  the  force  of  circumstances  alone 
was  decisive  ;  the  material  interests  of  the  working 
classes  and  the  entire  nation  ;  cordmon .  sense  and 
the  realization  of  a  practical  poHcy.^'*  ^ 

*' At   the   time   of   voting   on   August   4th,  ^  we 

•  "  Die  Kriegssitzung  dei  deutschen  Reichetags "  ("  The  War  Sitting 
of  the  Reichstag  "),  by  Karl  Hildenbrand,  Member  for  Stuttgart.  JPub- 
Ushed  1915;  p.  13. 


128  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

were  not  in  a  position  to  take  England  into  con- 
sideration, because  at  the  moment  she  had  not 
yet  declared  war.  But  by  England's  intervention 
our  attitude  on  August  4th  has  been  still  more 
emphatically  justified."* 

This  statement  is  a  gross  distortion  of  the  truth. 
It  is  true  that  England  had  not  yet  declared  war, 
but  Sir  Edward  Grey  had  made  England's  attitude 
quite  clear  on  the  previous  day.  His  speech  had 
been  published  in  the  Berlin  papers.  Further- 
more, the  Chancellor  informed  the  Reichstag  that 
England's  position  was  perfectly  clear,  although 
he  suppressed  the  fact  that  Germany  had  begun 
preparations  for  war  with  this  country  five  days 
before,  by  ordering  civilians  to  leave  Heligoland, 
and  despatching  the  Konigin  Luise  to  lay  mines 
on  our  coasts. 

In  any  case,  the  action  of  the  Social  Democrats 
on  that  occasion  is  an  example  of  unfaithfulness  to 
principles.  Accepting  the  invasion  fear  as  a  ground 
for  voting  a  loan  for  a  war  of  defence,  there  is 
still  no  evident  reason  why  they  should  vote  funds 
for  a  war  of  aggression  against  Belgium.  On  the 
surface,  there  is  no  explanation  for  their  cheers 
when  Bethmann-HoUweg  announced  the  invasion 
of  two  neutral  States  by  Germany's  armies. 

Had    they    been    tricked    into    supporting    an 

alleged  defensive  war,  there  was  still  time  to  protest 

against    German    hordes    overrunning    two   weak 

neighbouring  countries.     In   spite   of  their  terror 

♦  Ibid.,  p.  16. 


DI&bAcLE   of  social   democrats    129 

that  they  personally  might  suffer  through  the 
horrors  of  war,  their  vaunted  humanitarianism 
led  to  no  outcry  against  those  same  horrors  being 
wilfully  and  ruthlessly  forced  upon  their  Belgian 
Genossen, 

The  only  anxiety  which  the  speech  of  their 
chosen  spokesman,  Herr  Haase,  betrays,  is  the 
anxiety  to  avoid  responsibility.  "  In  the  name 
of  my  party  I  am  empowered  to  make  the  follow- 
ing declaration  :  We  are  standing  in  an  hour  of 
solemn  destiny.  The  consequences  of  the  im- 
perialistic policy — which  brought  about  an  era 
of  armaments  and  made  international  difficulties 
more  acute — ^have  now  fallen  upon  Europe  like  a 
storm-flood. 

"  The  responsibility  for  this  recoils  upon  the 
leaders  of  that  policy ;  we  decline  to  accept  it. 
Social  Democracy  has  fought  against  this  ominous 
development  with  all  the  forces  at  its  command. 
Up  to  the  very  last  hour  we  have  worked  for  the 
maintenance  of  peace  through  mighty  demonstra- 
tions in  every  land,  especially  in  intimate  co- 
operation with  our  French  brothers.  (Applause 
from  the  Social  Democrats.)  Our  efforts  have 
been  in  vain. 

"  Now  we  are  face  to  face  with  the  stern  reality 
of  war.  We  are  threatened  by  the  terrors  of  a 
hostile  invasion.  To-day  we  have  not  to  decide 
either  for  or  against  war,  but  only  concerning 
the  necessary  means  for  the  defence  of  our  country. 
Now  we  have  to  think  of  the  milHons    of    our 


130  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

Genossen  who  are  innocently  swept  into  this  fate. 
They  will  suffer  most  through  the  devastations  of 
war.  Our  ardent  wishes  accompany  also  our 
brothers  who  are  called  to  the  flag  without 
distinction  of  party.     (Loud  applause.) 

"  We  think,  too,  of  the  mothers  who  must  give 
their  sons  and  of  the  women  and  children  who 
are  robbed  of  their  bread-winners,  and  to  whose 
fear  for  their  loved  ones  is  added  the  dread  of 
hunger.  Tens  of  thousands  of  wounded  and 
mutilated  warriors  will  soon  be  added  to  these. 
We  consider  it  our  most  compelling  duty  to  help 
them,  to  Hghten  their  burdens  and  relieve  their 
distress.*     (Loud  applause.) 

"  In  case  of  a  victory  for  Russian  despotism, 
which  is  already  stained  with  the  blood  of  Russia's 
best  sons,  much — if  not  everything — is  at  stake 
for  our  people  and  our  free  future.  It  is  a  question 
of  averting  this  danger,  and  of  securing  the  culture 
and  independence  of  our  own  country.  (Loud 
applause.) 

"  Now  we  will  redeem  our  oft  repeated  pledge  : 
In  the  hour  of  danger  we  shall  not  leave  our  Father- 
land in  the  lurch.  (Loud  applause.)  Thereby, 
we  feel  ourselves  in  unison  with  the  principles  of 
internationalism  which  have  always  admitted  the 
right  of  each  single  people  to  national  independence 
and  national  defence.  We  condemn,  as  interna- 
tionalism does,  every  war  of  conquest. 

•  There  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  the  party  has  worked  hard 
to  keep  this  promise. — Author. 


DjfcBACLE   OF  SOCIAL   DEMOCRATS     181 

"  We  demand,  that,  as  soon  as  the  goal  of 
security  has  been  attained  and  our  enemies  are 
inclined  to  make  peace,  the  war  shall  end  by 
a  peace  that  will  make  friendship  with  neigh- 
bouring countries  possible.  We  demand  this,  not 
only  in  the  interests  of  the  international  solidarity 
for  which  we  have  uniformly  fought,  but  also  in 
the  interests  of  the  German  nation. 

"  We  hope  that  the  cruel  school  of  war's  suffer- 
ings will  awaken  a  horror  for  war  in  new  millions, 
and  win  them  over  to  the  socialistic  ideal  and 
international  peace.  Guided  by  these  principles 
we  vote  in  favour  of  the  war  loan.  (Loud 
applause.)"* 

A  short  historical  comparison  will  assist  in  making 
the  Social  Democratic  action  still  clearer.  In 
1870,  when  Bismarck  asked  the  Reichstag  for  a 
war  credit  to  prosecute  the  campaign  against 
France,  the  Socialists  were  few  and  helpless.  Yet 
Liebknecht  and  Bebel  refused  to  vote  in  its  favour. 
*'  Their  moral  demonstration  was  in  itself  perfectly 
logical,  for  Bismarck's  and  Napoleon  III.'s  intrigues 
equally  deserved  condemnation."t 

Apparently  it  did  not  occur  to  the  Democrats 
in  1914,  that  probably  Germany  had  again  been 
guilty  of  intrigues.  It  is  noteworthy,  however, 
that  the  small  party  in  1870  protested  when  a 
national  issue  was  at  stake,  while  the  mighty  party 

•  Leipziger  Folkszeitung,  August  5  th. 

t  Kautsky  :   "^Die  Internationalitat  und  der  Krieg,"  p.  19. 

9* 


132  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

of  19 1 4  made  no  protest  whatever,  although,  as 
they  had  previously  announced  and  denounced, 
the  issue  had  been  raised  hy  the  unjust  actions 
and  vile  intrigues  of  Austrian  imperialism. 

The  campaign  against  Russia  conducted  by 
the  nationahst  Press  up  till  August  1st  was  taken  up 
by  the  organs  representing  Social  Democracy, 
immediately  war  broke  out.  Their  papers  were 
flooded  with  appalHng  pictures  of  Russian  (generally 
termed  Asiatic)  barbarism,  tyranny  and  misrule. 
Passages  from  the  speeches  and  writings  of  Bebel, 
Liebknecht  and  others  were  quoted  to  show  the 
fiendishness  of  Russian  policy,  and  the  justice  of 
every  German  doing  his  utmost  to  smash  Czarism 
and  deliver  millions  of  fellow  workmen  from  its 
thrall.  Even  a  blood-and-thunder  story  of  the 
Russian  police  was  turned  on  as  a  serial  story  in 
their  daily  papers.*  In  short,  nothing  was  omitted 
which  goes  to  make  Stimmung. 

Had  they  been  honestly  impartial  a  still  blacker 
picture  of  Austria,  painted  by  one  of  the  founders 
of  the  workmen's  movement,  might  have  been 
quoted,  yet  it  might  have  been  indiscreet  to  tell 
Germans  what  Lassalle  wrote.  "  Austria  ?  Russia 
is  a  mammoth,  barbarian  Empire  which  its  despotic 
rulers  endeavour  to  civiUze,  just  so  far  as  suits 
their  despotic  interests.  In  that  country  bar- 
barism is  excusable,  because  it  is  a  national  element. 

•  "  Der  Polizelmelster,  ein  russlscher  Polizeiroman,"  hy  Gabrj'ela 
Zapolska.  The  story  commenced  in  the  Nuremberg  party  organ  on 
August  nth,  and  in  Kautsky's  Leipxiger  Folkszeitung  on  August  iStli. 


DEBACLE   OF  SOCIAL   DEMOCRATS    133 

But  the  case  is  very  different  with  Austria.  There 
it  is  the  government  which  represents  the  barbaric 
principle  and  crushes  beneath  it  by  artifice  and 
violence,  the  civilized  peoples  under  its  rule."* 

With  the  exception  of  a  few  Britishers,  the 
Socialists  of  all  countries  have  unanimously  con- 
demned the  attitude  of  the  German  party.  Not 
the  least  interesting  is  the  condemnation  expressed 
by  the  Italian  section.  Dr.  Siidekum,  Reichstag 
member  for  Nuremberg,  was  sent  to  Italy  to  discuss 
the  situation  with  Italian  Socialists  and  justify 
their  own  action  in  supporting  the  war.  The 
following  account  of  the  meeting  appeared  in  the 
Forwdrts  for  September  12th:  "The  meeting 
lasted  from  3.30  p.m.  till  7  p.m.  Siidekum 
declared  that  he  had  come  to  inform  their  Italian 
comrades  of  the  situation  in  which  the  German 
Socialists  found  themselves,  and  in  order  to  learn 
whether  the  Italians  had  taken  any  steps  to  keep 
up  communications  with  Democrats  in  other  lands. 

"  We  hold  firmly  to  the  contention  that  the 
German  Socialists  could  have  done  nothing  except 
what  they  did.  My  presence  here  is  a  proof  that 
we  Germans  are  aware  of  our  duties  towards 
internationalism.!  We  believed  that  the  German 
Government  had  given  proof  of  its  peaceful  ten- 

•  Bernstein's  edition  of  Lassalle's  "  Reden  und  Schrlften,"  vol.  I., 
p.  306. 

t  There  is  no  evidence  to  show  that  Svidekum's  Italian  visit  had  any 
other  purpose  than  winning  over  the  sympathies  of  Italian  SociaUsts 
and  with  them,  the  whole  Italian  nation  for  the  purposes  of  German 
nationalism. — Author. 


184  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

dencies  and  was  forced  into  war  against  its  will. 
Therefore,  the  Social  Democratic  Party  supported  it 

"  Delia  Seta  answered  that  this  was  no  justi- 
fication for  giving  their  support.  The  Italian 
SociaUsts  would  not  have  given  their  assistance 
under  the  same  circumstances,  just  as  they  had 
refused  to  vote  in  favour  of  the  Libyan  war. 

"  Dr.  Siidekum  replied  that  the  German  Socialists 
were  compelled  to  defend  their  Fatherland  against 
Czarism.  Further,  he  repeated  Haase's  declara- 
tion in  the  Reichstag  and  continued :  *  I  am 
astonished  that  the  Italian  Socialists  are  able  to 
beUeve,  that  so  strong  a  party  as  the  German 
Democrats,  had  denied  their  ideals,  and  been 
untrue  to  their  task.  You  must  admit  that  no 
other  way  was  open  to  us,  except  to  grant  the 
credit  demanded.' 

f»  "  After  this,  he  asserted  the  nationalist  Press 
of  France  and  Italy  was  working  against  Germany, 
and  it  seemed  as  if  the  Italian  comrades  were  in 
agreement  with  Italian  nationalists  in  endeavouring 
to  maintain  the  existing  condition  of  affairs*  in 
Italy. 

"  Finally  Siidekum  concluded  by  pointing  out 
that  the  German  Democrats  had  neither  the 
intention,  nor  the  right,  to  influence  the  attitude 
of  the  Italian  Socialists,  but  were  merely  endeavour- 
ing to  link  up  hearty  international  intercourse 
again. 

•  "  The  existing  condition  of  affairs  "  seems  to  mean  Italian  neutrality. 
— ^Author. 


DEBACLE   OF   SOCIAL   DEMOCRATS    135 

"  In  reply  Delia  Seta  said  he  found  it  remarkable 
that  the  German  Socialists  had  appealed  to  their 
ItaUan  comrades  in  this  solemn  hour,  all  the  more 
remarkable  because  intentions  might  easily  be 
ascribed  to  this  intervention.  '  This  is  a  serious 
motive  v^hich  impels  us  to  state  our  opinions  with 
unreserved  frankness.' 

"  He  continued  :  '  Your  defence  does  not  con- 
vince us.  You  speak  of  France  being  allied  v^ith 
us,  and  of  England,  Germany's  enemy.  But  we 
speak  of  our  France,  revolutionary  France,  Jaure's 
France.  The  French  Socialists  opposed  the  mili- 
tary preparations  made  by  France,  you  Germans 
did  not  do  the  same  in  your  country,  or  at  least, 
only  up  to  the  point  where  the  imperialistic  feelings 
of  the  Kaiser  and  his  party  might  be  hurt. 

" '  The  point  of  view  of  German  Democrats 
coincides  with  that  of  German  imperialism. 
German  predominance  means  for  us  a  far  greater 
danger  than  Czarism,  because  Czarism  prevents 
the  German  army  from  marching  on  Paris,  and 
thus  protects  the  banner  of  France,  which  in  spite 
of  all  mistakes  and  errors,  is  still  the  most 
revolutionary. 

"  '  Germany's  motto  is  :  Deutschland  ilber  alles 
and  you  have  not  opposed  it ;  but  you  have 
published  in  the  Vorwdrts  an  appreciation  of  the 
Kaiser  alleging  that  he  had  worked  during  twenty- 
five  years  for  peace. 

"  *  You  speak  of  German  civilization  being  in 
danger.     But    in  this  civilization   we  can  find  no 


136  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

trace  of  culture,  when  you  attack  and  torture 
neutral  Belgium,  and  complete  the  destruction  of 
Louvain.  Taken  as  a  whole,  German  Socialists  are 
just  as  plausible  and  use  the  same  excuses  as  the 
Ministers  of  the  German  Government.* 

" '  We  are  enraged  at  the  terrible  fact  that 
Germany  has  violated  Belgium's  neutrality,  and 
you  have  not  even  protested.  We  tell  you  quite 
openly  that  we  honour  and  weep  for  devastated 
Belgium,  and  tremblingly  follow  the  fate  of 
France.' " 

Siidekum  had  no  words  with  which  to  answer 
this  terrible  indictment,  and  the  Vorwdrts  could 
only  add  the  following  comment : 

"  We  consider  the  judgment  of  our  Italian 
comrades  to  be  one-sided,  but  for  reasons  easy  to 
understand,  desist  from  discussing  it  in  the  present 
situation.  Unfortunately  we  must  recognize  the 
fact,  however,  that  the  Italian  view  is  widespread 
among  the  Socialists  of  other  neutral  countries." 

Germany's  revolutionary  party  lost  no  time  in 
hoisting  the  banner  of  "  no  annexations."  The 
Leipziger  Folkszettung,  second  in  importance  only 
to  the  Vorwdrts,  nailed  down  a  phrase  in  the  Kaiser's 
speech  from  the  throne,  which  stated  :  "  We  are 
inspired  by  no  desire  for  conquest."  In  com- 
menting   on    this    phrase,    Kautsky's    organ    said : 

•  Might  not  this  also  be  said  of  Messrs.  Morel,  Macdonald,  Bernard 
Shaw,  etc.,  and  the  Labour  Leader^  whose  writings  on  the  war  have 
been  scattered  broadcast  throughout  Germany  during  the  last  six 
months  ? 


DEBACLE   OF  SOCIAL   DEMOCRATS    137 

*'  The  part  of  the  speech  which  excites  most  sym- 
pathy in  us  is  the  admission  that  Germany  cherishes 
no  lust  for  conquest.  At  the  proper  time  we  shall 
refer  to  that  again. 

"  It  is  with  sincere  regret  that  we  see  the  French 
Government  on  the  side  of  the  criminal  Powers, 
which  have  enslaved  and  robbed  the  Russian  people. 
If  Germany,  in  a  delirium  of  victory,  should  raise 
claims  which  mean  annexation,  then  we  shall^-that 
must  be  repeated  again — recall  the  speech  from 
the  throne  of  the  German  Kaiser  on  August  4th, 
1914."* 

During  the  first  year  of  war  a  split  among  the 
Social  Democrats  has  become  evident,  and  it 
appears  certain  that  it  is  the  annexation  question 
which  is  causing  the  cleavage.  In  December  last 
Liebknecht  abstained  from  voting  when  the  second 
war  loan  was  granted  by  the  Reichstag.  Evidently 
doubts  have  arisen  in  a  small  section  of  the  party 
either  as  to  the  origin  of  the  war,  or  in  regard  to 
the  objects  which  the  German  Government  hopes 
to  attain. 

On  August  20th,  191 5,  Dr.  Liebknecht  put  this 
question  in  the  Reichstag  :  "  Is  the  Government 
prepared  to  enter  into  immediate  peace  negotia- 
tions on  the  basis  that  Germany  renounces  all 
annexation  claims  and  assuming  that  the  other 
Powers  in  question  are  willing  to  negotiate  ?  " 
Von  Jagow  replied  :  "  I  believe  the  great  majority 
of  the  members  will  agree  with  me,  when  I  refuse 

•  Leipziger  Volkszeitung^  August  4th. 


188  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

to  answer  the  question,  as  being  at  present  beside 
the  purpose." 

The  reply  evoked  a  hurricane  of  "  bravos." 

A  parallel  may  be  found  in  the  year  1870.  The 
central  committee  of  German  Social  Democrats 
passed  a  resolution  that :  "  It  is  absolutely  neces- 
sary for  the  party  to  organize  simultaneously  in 
all  parts  of  the  country  great  popular  demon- 
strations against  the  annexation  of  Alsace-Lorraine, 
and  pass  resolutions  in  favour  of  an  honourable 
peace  with  the  French  republic." 

Nothing  came  of  the  movement,  for  on 
September  9th  the  committee  was  placed  under 
arrest  and  prosecuted.  If  Germany  should  be 
victorious  in  this  war,  it  is  to  be  assumed  that  the 
SociaHsts  would  again  prove  powerless  to  prevent 
annexation.  What  the  allies  cannot  hinder,  the 
Social  Democrats  would  be  still  more  helpless  to 
prevent ;  especially  as  the  great  majority  of  them 
are  unreservedly  on  the  side  of  the  Kaiser  and  his 
Government.  When  in  need,  the  latter  flattered 
and  persuaded  the  Democrats  to  vote  for  an 
alleged  war  of  defence  ;  but  should  German  arms 
be  victorious  the  German  Government  would 
neither  seek,  nor  accept  advice  on  her  national 
projects,  from  her  quondam  interna tionahsts. 

There  are  grounds  for  suspicion  that  the  party 
is  playing  a  game  desired  by  the  BerHn  Govern- 
ment. For  some  months  past  they  have  tried 
every  means  possible  to  arrange  personal  inter- 
views with  the  leaders  of  the  corresponding  party 


DEBACLE   OF  SOCIAL   DEMOCRATS    139 

in  France — the  French  "  comrades  "  have  refused 
to  meet  them.  The  Leipziger  Folkszeitung  for 
July  1 6th,  1915,  contains  more  than  a  column 
about  "  We  and  the  French,"  in  which  the  German 
party  spreads  the  usual  Teutonic  lime  of  sophistry 
and  empty  phrases. 

One  passage  betrays  the  entire  intrigue.  They 
wish  their  ''  French  brothers  "  to  agree  to  a  peace 
without  annexations,  which  means,  in  so  many 
words,  that  the  French  Socialists  are  to  renounce 
Alsace-Lorraine  for  ever.  Had  they  been,  or  should 
they  be  in  the  future,  so  foolish  as  to  enter  this 
German  mouse-trap,  then  before  the  war  has 
reached  a  decisive  conclusion,  a  large  section  of 
the  French  nation  would  be  pledged  to  renounce 
the  lost  provinces  even  in  case  of  a  German  defeat. 
This  is  an  excellent  instance  of  the  manner  in 
which  German  Social  Democracy  works  in  an 
enemy  country  to  assist  its  own  Government. 
In  like  manner,  the  Independent  Labour  Party 
and  Union  of  Democratic  Control  are  forces 
exceedingly  sensitive  to  German  influence,  and  in 
a  decisive  moment  can  be  set  in  motion  by  the 
German  "  comrades." 

The  hundred  and  eleven  Social  Democrats  in 
the  Reichstag  have  no  real  power  in  Germany. 
If  they  possess  any  degree  of  power,  then  fear 
for  their  own  skins,  prevents  them  from  risking  its 
exercise.  Their  real  opinion  concerning  Alsace- 
Lorraine  appeared  in  the  same  journal  four  days 
later.     "  According   to   our   opinion   it   would   be 


140  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

a  crime,  if  France  made  the  return  of  these  pro- 
vinces a  condition  of  peace."  In  the  same  article 
an  accusation  of  one-sidedness  is  made  against 
the  SociaHsts  in  France  for  supporting  the  French 
Government.  After  which,  it  is  not  surprising 
that  every  time  the  names  of  the  Genossen  Mac- 
donald,  Snowden,  Hardie  and  Newbold  occur  in 
the  Leipziger  V olkszeitung,  they  are  mentioned 
with  awe  and  reverence. 

"  Besides  Ramsay  Macdonald  and  PhiHp  Snow- 
den, our  friend  J.  T.  Walton  Newbold  has  got 
on  the  nerves  of  the  EngHsh  patriots."*  These 
gentlemen  invariably  receive  polite  mention,  but 
French  Socialists  are  evidently  in  disfavour — 
presumably  because  they  know  too  well  the  German 
game. 

The  peace  programme  of  the  German  Socialists 
has  been  published.  An  official  declaration  of 
the  party  which  appeared  on  August  23rd,  191  S> 
gives  the  following  conditions. 

"  While  caring  for  the  national  interests  and 
rights  of  our  own  people,  and  at  the  same  time 
respecting  the  vital  interests  of  all  nations,  German 
Social  Democracy  strives  for  a  peace  which  bears 
the  guarantee  of  permanence,  and  will  bring  the 
European  States  closer  together  in  matters  of 
justice,  culture,  and  commerce.  In  this  sense  we 
have  drawn  up  the  following  scheme  : 

"  I.  The  security  of  German  independence  and 
the  entirety  of  the  German  Empire,  which  implies 

•  Leipziger  Volkszeitung,  July  23rd,  19 15. 


DEBACLE   OF  SOCIAL   DEMOCRATS    141 

the  rejection  of  all  annexation  plans  on  the  part 
of  our  opponents.  That  includes  the  French 
plan  to  re-incorporate  Alsace-Lorraine  with  France, 
no  matter  in  what  form  that  end  may  be  sought. 

"  IL  In  order  to  secure  free  economic  develop- 
ment for  the  German  nation,  we  demand  : 

"  (a)  The  '  open  door,'  i.e,,  equal  rights 
for  commercial  and  such-like  activities  in  all 
colonial  territories. 

"  (b)  The  inclusion  of  the  most-favoured- 
nation clause  in  the  articles  of  peace  of  all 
the  nations  now  at  war. 

"  (c)  The  furthering  of  an  economic  entente 
by  abolishing  tariffs,  etc.,  as  far  as  possible. 

"  (d)  The  equalization  and  improvement  of 
the  social-political  institutions  according  to 
ideals  aimed  at  by  the  workmen's  international 
party. 

"  (i)  The    freedom    of    the    seas    is    to    be 

guaranteed    by    an    international    treaty.     To 

this  end  the  right  of  capture  at  sea  must  be 

abolished,    and     all    straits    and    narrows    of 

importance    for    world    commerce,    must    be 

internationalized. 

"  III.  In    the    interests    of    Germany's    security 

and  the  free  exercise  of  commerical  and  economic 

efforts  in  South-Eastern  Europe,  we  reject  all  the 

warHke  aims  of  the  Quadruple  Alliance  to  weaken 

or  disintegrate  Austria-Hungary  and  Turkey. 

"  IV. — In  consideration  of  the  fact  that  the  an- 
nexation of   territories  inhabited  by  another  race 


142  WHAT  GEmiANY  THINKS 

transgresses  the  rights  of  nations  to  govern  them- 
selves ;  furthermore  because  thereby,  the  unity 
and  strength  of  Germany  would  be  weakened  and 
her  foreign  relations  seriously  and  permanently 
injured,  we  oppose  the  plans  in  that  direction 
cherished   by  shortsighted   conquest-politicians.* 

"  V. — The  terrible  destruction  and  sufferings 
brought  upon  humanity  by  this  war  have  won  over 
millions  of  hearts  to  the  ideal  of  a  world  peace, 
permanently  secured  by  an  international  court  of 
justice.  The  attainment  of  this  end  must  be 
recognized  as  the  highest  moral  duty  of  all  those 
who  are  appointed  to  the  work  of  framing  a  peace. 
Therefore  we  demand  that  an  international  arbitra- 
tion court  shall  be  created  which  shall  settle  all 
future  difference  between  the  nations."! 

This  imaginary  peace-treaty  is  what  Germans 
would  call  a  Zankafrfel  (apple  of  discord).  It  may 
represent  the  serious  opinions  of  Germany's  greatest 
political  party,  but  the  German  Government  will 
welcome  it  because  it  will  give  Germany's  sym- 
pathizers in  France,  England,  Italy  and  Russia  an 
excellent  v/eapon  with  which  they  can  attack  their 
respective  Governments,  and  hamper  them  in  pro- 
tecting their  national  interests.  It  will  doubtless 
be  an  inspiration  to  the  members  of  the  I.  L.  P. 
and  the  U.  D.  CJ 

•  There  are  two  and  a  half  lines  of  dots  at  this  point.  Probably 
the  German  censor  has  cut  out  a  sentence. 

t  Leipziger  Volkszeitung^  August  23rd,  19 15. 

X  Above  prophecy  written  end  of  August  j  fulfilled  in  the  Labour 
Leader  October  28th. — Author. 


DEBACLE   OF   SOCIAL   DEMOCRATS    143 

If  the  German  Government  seriously  formulated 
such  proposals,  the  author  believes  that  all 
Britishers  worthy  of  the  name  w^ould  simply 
answer  :  "  Fight  on  !  "  On  this  assumption  the 
proposals  deserve  no  discussion. 

Yet  the  document  is  interesting  as  revealing  the 
mind  of  Social  Democratic  Germany.  These 
sublime  Pharisees  are  unconscious  of  Belgium's 
wrongs  and  Germany's  crimes.  The  former  deserve 
no  compensation  and  the  latter  no  penalty.  Here 
we  are  on  the  bed-rock  of  their  ideas  of  justice  and 
humanitarianism.  Still  we  are  not  altogether  sur- 
prised, because  the  Democratic  newspaper  organs 
have  openly  defended  and  justified  the  atrocities 
committed  by  German  soldiers,  and  whenever  any 
particularly  damning  evidence  has  been  produced 
their  parole  has  consistently  been  :  "  At  any  rate, 
now  is  not  the  time  to  discuss  it."  According  to 
their  comprehension  the  only  time  for  discussion 
is  when  Europe  is  under  the  German  heel.  They 
are  willing  to  discuss — when  discussion  can  no 
longer  injure  the  Fatherland,  when  Germany  has 
gained  all  she  wants. 

The  most  remarkable  metamorphosis  which  the 
German  Democrats  have  undergone,  is  shown  in 
their  changed  attitude  to  England.  This  country 
gave  a  home  to  Marx  and  Engels  ;  the  former  is 
buried  in  Highgate  cemetery.  For  many  decades 
the  party  professed  enthusiastic  admiration  of 
British  institutions  and  our  ideals  of  personal  free- 
dom.     Their    admiration    for    England    was     not 


144  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

always  convenient  to  the  German  Government, 
and  was  certainly  a  thorn  in  the  side  of  the 
Kaiser. 

In  1898  the  party  pubHshed  a  "  Handbook  for 
Social  Democratic  Voters,"  which  contains  lengthy 
explanations  of  their  entire  policy.  Therein  they 
justify  their  opposition  to  German  naval  expansion, 
and  while  conceding  that  naval  supremacy  is  vital 
and  indispensable  to  England,  continue  :  "  Boundless 
plans  are  veiled  beneath  the  Navy  Bill  (1897).  The 
hotspurs  among  the  water-patriots  dream  of  a 
first-class  navy  which  might  rival,  yes,  even  surpass 
the  British  fleet. 

"  For  the  water-patriots  the  Navy  Bill  means  an 
instrument  to  further  their  unlimited  Weltfolitik 
and  schemes  of  conquest ;  a  weapon  with  which  to 
realize  their  mad  imaginings  of  a  greater  Ger- 
many. They  desire  to  employ  it  as  a  tool  for  their 
absolutist  plans  and  adventurous  world  enterprises. 

"  It  increases  the  risk  of  foreign  conflicts.  At 
the  same  time  it  brightens  the  prospects  of  success 
of  those  influential  circles  which — impelled  by  an 
overpowering  impulse  to  deeds,  and  inspired  by  a 
diseased  longing  for  prestige — press  on  from  excite- 
ment to  excitement,  from  daring  to  daring,  and  from 
crisis  to  crisis." 

This  remarkable  prophecy  has  been  verified  by 
history,  but  with  its  realization,  the  party  which 
made  it  has  been  converted  to  the  side  of  their 
former  opponents.  To-day  the  Social  Democrats 
are  just  as  hearty  in  the  desire  to  see  Britain  over- 


DEBACLE   OF  SOCIAL   DEMOCRATS    145 

thrown  and  British  naval  supremacy  smashed  as  is 
the  Kaiser's  Government. 

No  impartial  thinker  dare  deny  that  the  British 
fleet  has  been  the  principal  factor  in  preventing 
Europe's  subjugation  to  German  autocracy,  and  the 
world  to  German  militarism.  Yet  the  so-called 
party  of  freedom  prays  earnestly  that  this  fleet  may 
be  destroyed.  This  represents  the  tone  of  their 
daily  Press,  and  the  change  of  attitude  has  been 
proved  to  be  scientifically  correct  in  various  books 
published  by  their  leaders  during  the  present  year. 
One  of  these  works  will  be  quoted  at  considerable 
length,  because  of  its  importance  in  showing  what 
the  "  pioneers  of  liberty  "  wish,  may  be  the  end 
of  the  "  home  of  liberty."  The  work  bears  the 
title,  "  German  Social  Democracy  and  the  World 
War  ;  "*  its  author  is  a  Socialist  member  of  the 
Reichstag. 

In  dealing  with  England  he  refers  to  their  former 
admiration  for  this  country  and  proceeds  to  prove 
that  it  was  wrong — wrong  in  the  interests  of 
Germany,  and  the  world.  England's  fight  against 
Napoleon  for  European  freedom  Dr.  Lensch  disposes 
of  in  a  sentence  :  "  Consumed  by  greed,  England 
took  the  long-yearned-for  opportunity  and  fell  upon 
her  rival,  France  "  (p.  i6). 

He  informs  his  readers  that  England  and  Russia 
are  two  beasts  of  prey.  England's  disarmament 
proposals  were  only  intended  to  secure  her  naval 

•  "  Die  deutsche  Sozialdemokratie  und  der  Weltkrieg,"  by  Dr.  Paul 
Lensch,  published  by  the  VorwarU  Publishing  House.     Berlin,  1915. 

10 


146  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

supremacy,  because  Germany  seemed  to  be  escaping 
from  the  strangulation  cord  which  England  had 
drawn  tight  round  her  throat.  Therefore  three 
problems  present  themselves  to  Dr.  Lensch,  which 
the  war  must  solve  : 

(i.)  Shall  the  German  people  continue  to  exist 
as  an  independent  nation  ? 

(2.)  Shall  the  danger  of  Czarism  continue  to 
threaten  West  European  culture  ? 

(3.)  Shall  Britain's  naval  supremacy  be  eternalized 
or  overthrown,  seeing  that  Britain  only  allows 
other  nations  to  develop,  so  far  as  they  are  com- 
patible with  her  national  interests  ?  (p.  15). 

"  England's  oft-praised  freedom  is  based  upon 
the  enslavement  of  the  world  ;  the  peoples  now 
recognize  that  England's  wealth,  freedom,  and 
greatness  are  merely  the  corollary  to  their  poverty, 
slavery  and  wretchedness  (p.  20). 

"  International  Socialism  has  not  the  slightest 
interest  in  helping  to  bolster  up  this  supremacy 
(p.  22). 

"  When  this  monopoly  is  broken  the  English 
working  classes  will  lose  their  present  privileged 
position.  They  will  be  reduced  to  the  same  level 
as  the  workmen  of  other  lands.  Then  Socialism 
will  flourish  in  England  (p.  23).* 

"  No  party  stands  to  lose  more  by  a  British 
victory   than    Social   Democracy.     The   overthrow 

•  The  author  had  fondly  Imagined  that  the  British  workman  stood 
foremost  as  the  result  of  his  own  battles.  In  any  case,  it  is  to  be  hoped 
that  British  Socialists  will  be  grateful  for  "  Genosse  "  Lensch's  prayen 
for  their  downfall. 


DEBACLE   OF  SOCIAL  DEMOCRATS    147 

of  England's  world-position  would  clear  the  way 
for  the  continuation  of  the  world's  progress  on  the 
right  historical  lines,  and  its  economic  develop- 
ment (p.  25). 

"  In  the  present  world  war  the  interests  of  the 
internationalists  are  bound  up  in  a  German  victory. 
Hence  a  German  victory  would  be  a  victory  for 
Marx's  internationalism,  and  only  then,  would  the 
hearts  and  heads  of  English  workmen  be  open  to 
the  intellectual    schooling  of    the    Socialistic    idea 

(P-  27). 

"  As  early  as  the  eighties  in  the  last  century, 
Friedrich  Engels  proved  that  the  ruin  of  England's 
industrial  monopoly  had  begun.  What  the 
scientist  had  foretold,  became  evident  to  all  eyes 
two  decades  later.  The  social  system  of  the 
greatest,  world-ruling  industrial  State  was  shaken 
to  its  foundations.  International  Socialists  had 
every  reason  to  welcome  this  peaceful  downfall  of 
England's  world  power  "  (pp.  21-22). 

"  Marx  once  wrote  that  war  is  like  a  locomotive 
in  the  history  of  the  world.  May  this  war  have 
that  effect  and  under  full  steam  lead  to  a  finish  the 
work  which  peaceful  development  had  already 
commenced,  i.e.,  the  downfall  of  English  supre- 
macy. If  the  war  hastens  and  concludes  this  pro- 
cess, then  the  sacrifices  in  blood  and  treasure  will 
not  have  been  in  vain.  A  great  stumbling-block 
to  human  progress  and  especially  to  the  proletarian 
fight  for  freedom  will  have  been  hurled  out  of 
the  way"  (pp.  27-8). 

10* 


148  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

Having  failed  during  a  peaceful  fight  of  over 
forty  years,  to  hurl  German  autocracy  and  mili- 
tarism out  of  the  world,  these  hot-headed  pioneers 
of  liberty  (Kaiserdom  ?)  wish  to  destroy  the  very 
State  which  was  their  place  of  refuge  when  German 
"  liberty "  overwhelmed  them  with  its  kindly 
attentions. 

Still  we  cannot  be  too  grateful  to  Dr.  Lensch  for 
his  lucid  statement.  It  is  an  effective  reply  to 
Germany's  sympathizers  in  this  country,  and  if 
British  workmen  should  ever  see  these  lines,  it  will 
interest  them  to  know  that  German  Socialists  are 
anxious  to  pull  them  down  a  little,  in  the  belief 
that  if  British  workmen  are  cut  short  in  their 
luxuries  they  will  become  better  Socialists  and 
Internationalists. 

Dr.  Lensch  has  only  one  step  more  to  take,  and 
he  will  certainly  gain  the  highest  German  order — 
four  le  merite.  The  famous  Communist  manifesto 
of  Marx  and  Engels  concludes  with  the  words  : 
"  Proletarians  of  all  lands,  unite  !  "  It  is  much  to  be 
desired  that  Dr.  Lensch  should  amend  this  by 
adding  to  Marx's  phrase  a  few  words,  so  that 
the  amended  form  would  run  : 

"  Proletarians  of  all  lands,  unite  to  sing  '  Deutsch- 
land,  Deutschland,  iiber  alles.'  "  By  this  simple 
means  the  learned  doctor  would  condense  the 
entire  teachings  of  his  book  into  a  single  sentence. 

"  The  position  to-day  is  that  the  interests  of 
freedom  and  democracy  are  utterly  at  variance 
with  a  French  victory  (p.  42). 


DEBACLE   OF   SOCIAL   DEMOCRATS    149 

"  Greater  Prussia  was  founded  by  the  war  of 
1866,  while  the  1870  struggle  established  a  Little 
Germany.  Through  the  present  war  Great 
Germany  will  be  created  "  (p.  46). 

On  another  page  this  Socialist-Chauvinist  pro- 
claims that  "  the  freedom  of  the  oppressed  must 
be  the  work  of  the  oppressed  themselves,"  which  is 
a  principle  that  the  L  L.  P.  and  U.  D.  C,  etc., 
would  do  well  to  note.  "  The  peculiarity  of  our 
situation  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  extra- 
ordinarily advanced  ideals  have  penetrated  into 
our  unripe  conditions."* 

It  is  to  these  "  unripe  conditions  "  that  Lensch, 
Liebknecht,  David,  Hildenbrand  and  the  remaining 
leaders  of  German  Social  Democracy  should  give 
their  undivided  attention.  Last  year  the  Berlin 
Government  published  a  record  of  crimes  com- 
mitted in  Germany.  It  is  the  most  awful  record 
of  any  nation  in  the  world,  and  the  above  gentle- 
men would  do  well  *  to  study  Volume  267  of  the 
Vierteljahrshefte.  There  were  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  brutal  crimes  committed  in  Ger- 
many by  German  proletarians  during  the  year 
1912. 

For  half  a  century  Marx,  Lassalle,  Bebel,  Lieb- 
knecht and  their  successors  have  been  busily 
engaged  in  intellectualizing  Germany's  prole- 
tarians ;  now  it  is  advisable  for  the  Socialist  party  to 
begin  the  work  of  humanizing  them.     Their  efforts 

•  Louis  Bamberger  in  an  essay  on  German  Social  Democracy  in  the 
Deutsche  Rundschau,  vol.  14,  p.  243. 


150  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

to  internationalize  the  world  have  resulted  in  a 
hopeless  debacle  ;  let  them  now  begin  the  task  of 
humanizing  Germany.  They  have  all  evidently 
forgotten  the  German  proverb  :  Kehr  vor  deiner 
eignen  Tilr  !  (Sweep  first  before  your  own  door.) 


CHAPTER  VII 

"  NECESSITY    KNOWS    NO    LAW  " 

ON  August  2nd,  191 4,  Belgium  announced  her 
neutrality  in  the  European  war ;  France 
had  already  declared  her  intention  to  respect 
Belgian  neutrality  at  all  costs.  On  the  other  hand 
we  have  Bethmann-Hollweg's  word  that  he  knew 
French  armies  were  standing  ready  to  strike  at 
Germany  through  Belgium.  This  statement  he 
has  never  supported  by  any  proof,  nor  even  men- 
tioned  his   authority  for   the  same.*     In  view  of 

•  So-called  "  evidence  "  has  been  given  by  Richard  Grasshoff  in  his 
book  "  Belgien's  Schuld  "  ("  Belgium's  Guilt  "),  pp.  14-20.  Grasshoff 
quotes  the  sworn  statements  of  a  German  corporal  who  resided  in  Boits- 
fort,  near  Brussels.  The  corporal  states  that  he  saw  two  French  and 
one  English  officer  in  Brussels  on  July  26th,  and  eight  French  soldiers 
on  July  29th. 

The  statements  of  three  French  soldiers,  prisoners  of  war  in  Germany, 
are  also  cited  ;  these  men  maintain  that  they  entered  Belgium  on  the 
3 1st  of  July  and  the  2nd  of  August. 

With  regard  to  this  "  evidence,"  we  must  note  that  Grasshoff  is  a 
German  official,  the  corporal  a  German  spy,  and  that  the  Frenchmen 
have  made  these  statements  in  a  prisoners'  camp,  a  place  where  they 
were  exposed  to  the  temptation  of  German  gold  and  the  influence  of 
Teutonic  bullying.  Lastly,  the  Berlin  General  Staff  has  recorded  that 
the  German  armies  first  came  in  touch  with  French  troops  on  August  19th, 
near  Namur. 


152  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

the  facts  that  no  military  preparations  had  been 
made  on  the  Franco-Belgian  frontier,  and  that  the 
German  armies  first  came  into  contact  with  French 
forces  long  after  the  fall  of  Liege,  we  are  compelled 
to  declare  the  German  Chancellor's  statement  to 
be  a  pure  invention. 

Moreover  Germany's  excuse  for  invading  Belgium 
is  given  in  the  title  of  this  chapter.  Had  Germany 
possessed  any  proof  that  French  officers  in  disguise 
were  organizing  preparations  in  Belgium,  or  that 
French  airmen  had  crossed  the  latter's  territories 
in  order  to  drop  bombs  by  Wesel,  etc.,  then  Beth- 
mann-Hollweg  would  have  had  no  reason  to  admit 
in  the  Reichstag  that  his  country  was  committing 
a  breach  of  international  law.  Under  such  circum- 
stances Belgian  neutrality  would  no  longer  have 
existed  ;  the  Chancellor,  instead  of  "  necessity," 
could  have  pleaded  justification  and  the  world 
could  scarcely  have  withheld  its  approval. 

In  the  early  hours  of  August  4th  the  Germans 
crossed  the  Belgian  frontier,  although  the  Cologne 
Gazette  had  published  a  notice  three  days  before 
announcing  that  Germany  had  no  intention  what- 
ever of  taking  the  step,  and  that  no  German  troops 
were  near  the  frontier. 

General  von  Emmich  immediately  issued  this 
proclamation  in  French  :  "  To  my  great  regret 
German  troops  have  been  compelled  to  enter 
Belgian  territory.  They  are  acting  under  the  com- 
pulsion of  unavoidable  necessity,  for  French  officers 
in  disguise  have  already  violated  Belgian  neutrality 


"NECESSITY  KNOWS  NO  LAW"        158 

b^  trying  to  reach  Germany,  via  Belgium,  in  motor- 
cars.* 

"  Belgians  !  it  is  my  most  ardent  desire  that  it 
may  yet  be  possible  to  avoid  a  struggle  between 
two  peoples  which  up  till  now,  have  been  friends, 
formerly  even  allies.  Remember  the  glorious  days 
of  La  Belle  Alliance,  when  German  arms  helped  to 
found  the  independence  and  future  of  your  Father- 
land. 

"  Now  we  must  have  a  free  way.  The  destruc- 
tion of  tunnels,  bridges  and  railways  will  be  con- 
sidered hostile  actions.  Belgians  !  you  have  to 
choose.  The  German  army  does  not  intend  to 
fight  against  you,  but  seeks  a  free  path  against  the 
enemy  who  wishes  to  attack  us.  That  is  all  we 
desire. 

"  Herewith  I  give  the  Belgian  people  an  official 
pledge  that  they  will  not  have  to  suffer  under  the 
terrors  of  war ;  that  we  will  pay  ready  money  for  all 
necessaries  which  we  may  have  to  requisition  ;  that 
our  soldiers  will  show  themselves  the  best  friends  of 
a  nation  for  which  we  have  the  highest  esteem  and 
ardent  affection.  It  depends  upon  your  prudence 
and  your  patriotism  whether  your  land  shall  be 
spared  the  horrors  of  war."  (Appeared  in  the 
Cologne  Gazette^  August  6th.) 

A  Dresden  paper  of  the  same  date  contains  an 
illuminating  statement.     "  We  have  just  received 

*  One  wonders  what  military  purpose  these  officers  had  in  view. 
They  would  have  been  inevitably  arrested  at  the  German  frontier. 
The  fable  was  made  public  by  Wolff's  Agency,  and  has  been  ridiculed 
even  by  the  German  Press,  vide  pp.  96-7. 


154  WHAT   GERMANY  THINKS 

official  information  that  the  German  General  Staff 
had  been  informed  by  an  absolutely  reliable  source 
that  the  French  intended  to  march  through  the 
valley  of  the  Meuse  into  Belgium.  The  execution 
of  this  plan  had  already  commenced,  therefore 
France  was  by  no  means  prepared  to  respect  Belgian 
neutrality." 

"  For  years  past  the  King  of  Belgium  has  conspired 
with  England  behind  the  backs  of  his  ministers,  to 
damage  German  interests.  His  telegram; to  the 
King  of  England  was  a  trick  planned  long  ago. 
These  facts  will  soon  be  supplemented  by  a  large 
number  of  documentary  proofs  ;  from  this  the 
necessity  has  arisen  to  direct  Germany's  advance 
through  Belgium  irrespective  of  neutrality  con- 
siderations."* 

Here  we  have  the  first  clumsy  attempts  to  prove 
that  Belgian  neutrality  did  not  exist.  These  after- 
thoughts have  grown  during  the  past  year  into 
no  inconsiderable  literature.  Probably  the  two 
motives  which  have  inspired  Germany — official  and 
unofficial — to  print  many  volumes  on  Belgian 
neutrality  have  been  the  indignation  aroused  in 
neutral  countries  and  the  fact  that  a  complete 
German  victory  w^as  not  obtained  in  three  months 
of  war. 

German  newspapers  again  betray  the  plot  against 
Belgium,  and  a  search  through  their  files  reveals 
in  the  clearest  manner  possible  how  Wolff's  Bureau 
was  again  the  source  of  a  widespread  campaign  to 

•  Leipziger  Heueste  Nachrichten,  August  9th. 


"NECESSITY   KNOWS   NO  LAW"        155 

prove  that  Germany  was  right,  and  simultaneously 
to  lash  public  opinion  into  hatred  for  the  Belgian 
"  barbarians  and  beasts." 

In  the  first  few  days  of  August  the  Press  was 
filled  with  reports  concerning  the  murder  and 
ill  treatment  of  Germans  in  Belgium,  before  any 
act  of  war  had  taken  place.  No  doubt  a  justified 
fear  for  the  mighty,  brutal  neighbour  existed  in  the 
popular  imagination,  and  fear  may  be  the  father  of 
ill-considered  deeds.  Nevertheless,  there  is  no 
proof  that  mob  law  prevailed  in  Belgium,  as  it  did 
in  Germany.  Moreover,  the  latter  country  out- 
lawed herself  when  she  proclaimed  the  law  of 
necessity.  In  the  light  of  this  consideration  the 
German  outcry  that  the  Belgians  were  breaking 
both  the  laws  of  humanity  and  international  juris- 
prudence lacks  sincerity  and  remains  uncon- 
vincing. 

A  country  which  announces  her  intention  to 
ignore  existing  laws  and  "  hack  a  way  through 
at  all  costs,"  should  surely  be  the  last  to  declaim  on 
the  alleged  offences  against  the  laws  of  war  by  a 
small,  weak,  unprepared  neighbour.  If  these  con- 
siderations are  insufficient,  there  remains  the  fact 
that  Germany  herself  began  war  against  unarmed 
Belgian  civilians. 

During  the  night  following  the  unsuccessful 
cowp  de  main  against  Liege,  a  Zeppelin  attacked  the 
town  and  dropped  bombs.  "  On  Thursday, 
August  6th,  at  3.30  a.m.  Z  6  returned  from  an  air- 
cruise   over    Belgium.      The    airship    took   a    con- 


156  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

spicuous  part  in  the  attack  on  Liege,  and  was  able 
to  intervene  in  a  markedly  successful  manner.  Our 
first  bomb  was  dropped  from  a  height  of  i  ,800  feet, 
but  failed  to  explode.  The  ship  then  sank  to 
900  feet  above  the  city,  and  a  non-commissioned 
officer  dropped  twelve  more  bombs,  all  of 
which  exploded,  setting  the  city  ablaze  in  several 
places."* 

An  Austrian  who  was  in  the  town  afterwards 
described  the  attack  in  the  Grazer  Tagespost, 
According  to  this  witness  it  was  already  daylight 
when  the  airship  appeared,  and  the  effect  of  the 
bombs  was  truly  awful.  In  view  of  the  circum- 
stance that  it  was  already  light,  Germany  cannot 
put  forward  the  defence  that  the  bombs  were 
intended  for  the  twelve  forts  which  surround 
Liege  at  a  distance  of  some  miles. 

This  is  the  earliest  official  record  of  an  attack 
upon  civilians — and  it  came  from  the  German 
side  !  The  crew  of  Z  6  were  the  recipients  of  a 
tremendous  ovation  on  their  return,  while  the  news 
of  this  dastardly  murder  was  received  with  jubila- 
tion throughout  the  German  Empire.  In  Lune- 
ville  fifteen  civilians  were  killed  by  airship  bombs 
two  days  earlier  ;  shortly  afterwards  followed  the 
attack  by  airship  on  civilians  in  Antwerp. 

The  author  has  before  him  about  one  hundred 
different  newspaper  reports,  alleging  the  most 
awful  barbarism  on  the  part  of  the  Belgians. 
Among   the   numerous    statements    that    Germans 

•  German  official  report  in  the  Berliner  Tageblatty  August  loth. 


"NECESSITY  KNOWS  NO  LAW"        157 

were  murdered,  only  two  names  are  mentioned, 
and  both  these  men  are  aHve  to-day  ;  the  one  is 
Herr  Weber,  proprietor  of  an  hotel  in  Antwerp. 

"  We  have  now  received  full  details  of  the  murder 
of  the  German,  Weber.  He  had  fled  from  his 
pursuers  and  hidden  himself  in  a  cellar.  As  the 
raging  mob  could  not  find  him  they  burnt  sulphur 
in  the  house,  which  caused  Weber  to  break  into  a 
violent  fit  of  coughing.  This  betrayed  his  hiding- 
place  ;    he  was  dragged  out  and  murdered."* 

"  The  German  pork-butcher.  Deckel,  who  had 
a  large  business  in  Brussels,  was  attacked  in  his 
house  by  a  crowd  of  Belgian  beasts  because  he  had 
refused  to  hang  a  Belgian  flag  before  his  shop  ; 
with  axes  and  hatchets  the  mob  cut  off  his  head  and 
hewed  his  corpse  in  pieces. "t 

A  few  days  later  the  Berliner  Tageblatt  informed 
its  readers  that  Herr  Deckel  was  residing  in 
Rotterdam,  and  had  suffered  no  harm  what- 
ever. 

Readers  who  are  acquainted  with  the  official 
record  of  brutal  crimes  committed  year  by  year  in 
Germany  and  the  haughty  contempt  for  civilian 
rights  which  the  whole  German  army  has  consis- 
tently shown  in  the  Fatherland,  during  the  orderly 
times  of  peace,  will  require  little  imagination  to 

•  Hamburger  Fremdenblatt,  August  12th,  and  simultaneously  in  many 
other  journals.  On  the  following  day  the  Forwdrts  announced  that 
Herr  Weber  had  returned  to  Germany  in  the  company  of  their  own 
correspondent. 

t  Kolnische  V9lks%4itung^  August  loth. 


158  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

conceive  that  this  same  army  would  show  still  less 
consideration  for  civilians  in  a  country  which  they 
were  wrongfully  invading. 

The  German  Press  during  the  last  thirty  years, 
as  well  as  many  books  published  in  the  Fatherland, 
contains  ample  proof  of  German  brutality  at  home, 
and  above  all,  of  the  legal  brutality  of  German 
non-commissioned  and  commissioned  officers. 
How  can  Germany  expect  the  world  to  believe, 
that  these  same  men,  were  transformed  into  decent 
human  beings  by  the  mere  act  of  stepping  over  the 
Belgian  frontier  ? 

Granted  that  vulgar  elements  of  the  Belgian 
population  did  transgress,  there  still  remains  in- 
controvertible evidence  that  almost  unheard-of 
kindness  was  shown  to  the  invading  army,  and  that 
Germans  had  displayed  brutal  insolence  to  Belgians 
before  a  state  of  war  had  been  declared.  Nearly 
every  single  letter  from  soldiers,  published  in 
German  papers,  records  the  fact  that  in  the  villages 
through  which  they  passed  they  were  given  water, 
wine  and  food,  while  payment  was  in  many  cases 
refused. 

It  is  part  of  Germany's  policy  to  blacken  Belgium's 
character  in  order  to  justify  her  own  ruthlessness — 
naturally  Wolff's  Agency  was  one  of  the  principal 
tools  to  that  end. 

"  Much  as  we  condemn  the  excesses  of  the 
Belgians,  still  we  must  not  wreak  vengeance  on  the 
whole  nation  as  a  section  of  our  Press  demands. 
Have  not  harmless  and  defenceless  foreigners  been 


"NECESSITY  KNOWS  NO  LAW"        159 

terribly  ill-treated  in  Germany  without  distinction 
of  sex  ?  Have  not  shops  and  restaurants  been 
demolished  in  hundreds,  wherever  a  French  word 
was  to  be  met  ?  And  the  rage  of  the  German 
masses  has  found  an  outlet  not  only  against 
foreigners,  but  against  good  German  patriots  and 
even  German  officers."* 

The  same  journal  on  the  preceding  day  deplored 
that  "  we  ourselves  are  not  free  from  guilt."  It 
recounts  how  German  reservists,  when  leaving 
Antwerp  and  Brussels,  had  sung  their  national 
songs  in  a  loud,  provocative  manner,  and  taunted 
the  bystanders  with  such  remarks  as  :  "  In  three 
days  we  shall  be  here  again  !  " 

According  to  the  same  authority  German  resi- 
dents had  insulted  the  populace  by  displaying  their 
national  flag  ;  and  German  employers  had  been 
among  the  first  to  discharge  employees  of  their 
own  nationality,  without  salary  in  lieu  of  notice, 
thus  increasing  the  difficulties  of  German  residents 
in  Belgium. 

German  official  pronouncements  are  much  more 
reticent  in  their  judgment  on  these  allegations  of 
Belgian  cruelties.  None  the  less  the  BerHn  Govern- 
ment must  be  held  responsible  for  them  being 
scattered  throughout  the  land.  After  Germany's 
official  representative  had  returned  from  Brussels 
to  Berlin  he  made  a  statement  to  the  Press.     Con- 

•  Leipziger  Volkszeitung,  August  12th.  This  journal  as  well  as 
the  Frdnkische  Tagespost  names  Wolff's  Agency  as  their  authority  in 
more  than  one  issue. 


160  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

sidering  that  von  Below  was  in  the  Belgian  capital 
at  the  time,  his  views  are  instructive. 

He  expressed  his  great  astonishment  that  such 
things  should  have  happened,  and  asserted  that  up 
till  the  yery  last  minute  he  had  been  treated  with 
the  greatest  kindness  and  politeness.  Neither  he 
nor  any  of  his  Legation  Staff  had  experienced  the 
slightest  unpleasantness.  Further,  von  Below  ex- 
pressed the  conviction  that  only  single  instances  of 
such  excesses  had  occurred  and  these  were  a  result 
of  the  quarrelsome  Walloon  character.  No  village 
fh^  passes  off  among  them  without  such  outbreaks, 
accompanied  by  bloodshed.* 

German  papers  of  August  15th  reported  this 
official  version,  and  four  days  later  a  proclamation 
was  issued  by  State  Secretary  Dr.  Delbriick,  calling 
upon  all  persons  who  had  been  ill-treated  in  Belgium 
to  report  themselves,  so  that  the  "  numerous " 
newspaper  reports  could  be  confirmed  or  refuted. 
The  result  of  the  inquiry  has  never  been  published. 

From  a  number  of  witnesses  who  testified  whole- 
heartedly to  Belgian  kindness,  one  will  suffice.  A 
lady  reported  her  adventures  in  the  Vorwdrts  of 
September  6th,  from  which  the  following  sentences 
have  been  gleaned.  "  Even  if  it  is  true  that 
Germans  were  subjected  to  inconsideration  and 
ill-treatment  during  their  flight  from  Belgium,  still 
there  are  hundreds  of  Germans  who,  like  myself, 
met  with  generous  sympathy  and  unstinted  help. 

•  This  may  be  true,  but  von  Below  could  have  said  the  same  with 
absolute  truth  of  German  village  fairs,  Kirmesse,  etc. — Author. 


"NECESSITY  KNOWS  NO  LAW"        161 

"  A  Flemish  servant  refused  her  month's  wages, 
saying  that  her  employers  would  need  it  on  the 
journey.  Many  Germans  were  offered  homes  in 
Belgian  families  till  the  war  was  over.  My  own 
landlord  in  Brussels  placed  an  empty  flat  at  my 
disposal  for  German  refugees.  At  parting  he  and 
his  wife  were  as  deeply  moved  as  we,  and  when  I 
began  to  make  excuses  for  being  unable  to  pay  the 
rent,  she  at  once  prevented  me  from  speaking 
another  word.  My  husband  was  provided  with  a 
hat  which  looked  less  '  German  ; '  they  filled  our 
pockets  with  provisions  for  the  journey,  and  after 
his  wife  had  embraced  me  and  my  child  we  left  the 
house  in  silence. 

"  German  refugees  whom  I  met  afterwards, 
related  hundreds  of  similar  acts  of  kindness.  When 
such  severe  accusations  are  raised  against  the  entire 
Belgian  people,  justice  demands  this  statement  that 
Belgians  in  hundreds  of  cases,  uninfluenced  by  the 
prevailing  bitterness,  showed  themselves  kindly, 
helpful  and  humane  towards  the  Germans." 

In  the  second  month  of  the  war  two  representa- 
tives of  the  Social  Democratic  Party  received 
special  permission  from  the  General  Staff  to  visit 
Belgium  and  the  theatre  of  war  in  Northern  France. 
Their  report  has  been  issued  by  the  Vorwarts 
Publishing  House.* 

"  Concerning    the    events    and    conditions     in 

•  "  Kriegsfahrten  durch  Belgien  und  Nordfrankreich  "  ("  Journeys 
n  War  Time  through  Belgium,  etc."),  by  Dr.  Adolph  Koester  and  G. 
Noske, 

II 


162  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

Belgium  many  false  reports  have  been  spread  abroad. 
That  is  especially  the  case  in  regard  to  the  terrible 
persecutions  of  Germans  immediately  before  the 
outbreak  of  war.  The  civil  authorities  (German) 
are  now  permitting  full  investigation  in  those  parts 
of  Belgium  occupied  by  our  troops,  and  it  is  already 
obvious  that  many  exaggerations  were  circulated 
by  German  newspapers.  Without  doubt  beer- 
houses and  business  houses  were  wrecked,  but  the 
Tartar  stories  which  were  reported  in  Germany  and 
Belgium,  Herr  von  Sandt,  Chief  of  the  Civil 
Administration,  puts  down  to  hysterics,  and 
the  desire  of  some  people  to  make  themselves 
important."* 

No  correct  judgment  on  the  apportionment  of 
right  and  wrong  between  the  Belgian  civilians  and 
the  German  army  is  possible  without  taking  into 
consideration  the  status  of  militarism  in  each  of 
these  countries  before  the  war.  As  far  as  Belgium  is 
concerned,  the  army  was  looked  upon  as  a  necessary 
evil.  The  Social  Democratic  doctrines  imported 
from  Germany  had  obtained  such  a  hold  upon  the 
people  that  the  Belgian  Government  experienced 
ever-increasing  difficulty  in  getting  supplies  voted 
in  the  House  of  Deputies,  for  defence  purposes. 
Belgian  Socialists  unfortunately  played  into  the 
hands  of  the  German  Government  by  doing  their 
utmost  to  prevent  money  from  being  spent  for  the 
defence  of  their  country.  Consciously  or  uncon- 
sciously,   German    Socialists    have    rendered    the 

♦  Ibid.,  pp.  14-15. 


"NECESSITY  KNOWS  NO  LAW"       168 

Kaiser  and  his  army  inestimable  service.  Their 
propaganda  against  armaments  has  borne  fruit  in 
Belgium,  England  and  France,  but  did  not  prevent 
a  single  German  battleship  from  being  built,  nor  a 
single  regiment  from  being  added  to  the  German 
army. 

In  Germany  militarism  is  a  gospel.  All  classes 
and  all  political  parties  have  been  unanimous  for 
years  past,  that  every  man  should  be  a  soldier. 
The  military  ethos  has  ruled  supreme,  and  v^^henever 
civilianism  has  dared,  merely  to  cherish  thoughts 
contrary  to  the  ideals  of  the  ruling  caste,  no  time  was 
lost  in  seeking  an  opportunity  to  challenge  a  quarrel 
which  invariably  ended  in  humiliation  for  the 
civilian  ethos.  Characteristically,  therefore,  the 
contemptuous  phrase  has  become  current  both  in 
the  German  army  and  navy — "  das  Civil  " — when 
speaking  of  the  non-military  elements  of  the  nation. 

Imbued  with  these  traditions  and  inspired  by 
this  contempt  for  everything  civilian,  the  German 
armies  invaded  Belgium,  and  it  may  be  safely 
assumed  that  in  a  country  where  the  civilian  ethos 
predominated,  looks,  words,  and  even  deeds,  ex- 
pressed hostility.  Such  "  provocation  "  would  cer- 
tainly rouse  the  military  ego  to  a  revenge  ten 
thousand-fold  greater  than  that  taken  at  Zabern. 
German  militarism  brooks  neither  contempt, 
criticism,  nor  opposition  from  German  civilians, 
and  much  less  so  from  the  civilians  of  another 
nation. 

When  it  is   possible   to   obtain   cool   and  clear 

II* 


164  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

accounts  of  the  events  in  Belgium,  the  author  has 
no  doubt  whatever,  that  proofs  of  civiHan-baiting 
v^ll  be  forthcoming  in  that  unhappy  country.  The 
poHcy  of  frightfulness  v^as  not  only  intended  to 
drive  an  enemy  into  abject  submission  and  as  a 
punishment  for  resistance  to  Germany's  imperious 
v^ill,  but  it  was  the  mihtary  ethos  in  strife  with  the 
civilian  spirit. 

In  order  to  hinder  the  march  of  the  invaders  the 
trees  hning  the  roads  were  cut  down  and  formed 
into  barriers,  but  the  civilian  population  was  com- 
pelled at  the  bayonet's  point  to  remove  all  obstacles 
and  thus-  assist  in  the  conquest  of  their  native 
country. 

"  The  magnificent  tall  fir-trees  which  are  so 
characteristic  of  Belgian  roads,  had  been  felled  across 
the  highways.  But  all  the  civilian  population  which 
could  be  found,  without  regard  to  age,  rank,  or  sex, 
was  forced  by  our  advancing  cavalry  to  clear  it  all 
away.  One  can  imagine  the  joy  of  the  Belgians 
in  performing  this  task  !  "* 

This  writer,  too,  chronicles  many  instances  of 
kindness.  "  I  was  billeted  in  a  peasant's  house  at 
the  western  exit  of  the  village.  Three  beautiful 
children,  trembling  with  fear,  watched  us  come  in, 
for  besides  me  there  were  twenty-four  men.  We 
had  received  emphatic  warnings  from  headquarters 
not  to  allow  soldiers  to  be  billeted  alone.  The 
woman  gave  us  everything  she  could  find  and  it  was 

•  "  Unser  Vormarsch  bis  zur  Marne  "  ("  Our  advance  to  the  Marnc  "), 
by  a  Saxon  officer,  p.  22. 


NECESSITY  KNOWS  NO  LAW"        165 


almost  necessary  to  use  force  to  get  her  to  accept 
payment."* 

"  A  load  of  shot  struck  the  ground  at  the  feet  of 
my  horse.  Before  I  had  calmed  the  animal  a 
N.  C.  O.  marching  at  my  side  had  finished  off  the 
dirty  Belgian  scoundrel,  who  was  now  hanging  dead 
from  a  roof  window. 

"  Foaming  with  rage,  my  field-greys  surrounded 
the  house,  in  which  only  a  few  of  the  dogs  were 
taken  captive,  the  others  were  immediately  slaugh- 
tered. A  boy  hardly  fifteen  years  old  was  dragged 
out  of  a  wet  ditch  with  a  gun  in  his  hand.  Before 
being  brought  to  me,  this  youthful  swine  had  been 
thrashed  from  head  to  foot.  Besides  the  men,  two 
women  and  a  girl  were  taken. 

"  Meanwhile  a  terrible  hand-to-hand  fight  was 
going  on  throughout  the  long,  scattered  village. 
Infantry  and  artillerists  smashed  the  doors  and 
windows ;  no  mercy  was  shown  to  anyone,  and  the 
houses  were  set  alight.  An  attempt  to  storm  the 
church-tower  failed  because  the  occupants  fired 
from  above.  Bundles  of  straw  were  brought, 
paraffin  poured  on  them,  and  the  tower  set  on  fire. 
Above  the  roar  of  the  flames  we  could  distinctly  hear 
the  shrieks  of  the  murderers  shut  in  there. 

"  I  gave  orders  to  a  squad  to  shoot  our  prisoners, 
but  a  deadly  bullet  finished  the  career  of  the  lying, 
scoundrelly  priest  as  he  was  trying  to  escape.  Our 
losses  were  remarkably  small,  only  two  men  being 
killed  and  a  number  wounded. "t 

•  Ibid.,  p.  25.  t  Ibid.,  p,  43-4. 


IM  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

In  all  cases  where  German  soldiers  asked  for 
water  from  the  inhabitants,  the  latter  had  to  take 
a  drink  first.  "  Before  tasting  the  water  both  man 
and  wife  had  to  drink  first,  and  as  this  scene 
was  repeated  on  innumerable  occasions,  it  was 
delightful  to  observe  the  comic  desperation  with 
which  the  people  took  their  involuntary  *  water 
cure.'  "* 

Dr.  Risse's  interesting  diary  contains  one  or  two 
important  passages  illustrating  the  relation  between 
conquerors  and  conquered.  Like  many  other 
German  writers,  he  saw  no  hostile  act  on  the  part  of 
the  civilian  population,  but  they  came  to  him  as 
rumours.  "  That  night  we  slept  in  a  barn.  Here 
we  heard  that  a  village  near  Dahlem  had  been 
burned  down  because  the  inhabitants  had  cut  the 
throat  of  a  sleeping  ambulance  attendant. 

"  On  continuing  our  march  we  suddenly  entered 
a  vndQ  vale.  The  horizon  was  blood-red  and  huge 
clouds  of  smoke  drifted  heavenwards.  On  all  sides 
the  villages  were  in  flames.  In  the  last  village  before 
Louvain  the  sight  was  terrible  in  the  extreme  ; 
houses  ablaze  ;  pools  of  blood  in  the  street ;  here 
and  there  a  dead  civilian  ;  pieces  of  Belgian  equip- 
ment, haversacks,  boots  and  trousers  lay  around  ; 
while  the  inhabitants  stood  about  vnth.  their  hands 
raised  above  their  heads. 

"  It  was  said  that  hostile  cavalry  had  hidden  in 
the  village  and  together  with  a  part  of  the  inhabi- 

*  **  Mit  der  Kluck'schen  Armee  nach  Belgian  "  (  "  With  von  KJuck'i 
Army  into  Belgium  "),  by  Dr.  Jos.  Risse,  p.  17. 


"NECESSITY  KNOWS  NO  LAW"        167 

tants  had  fired  on  our  troops.  We  only  saw  the 
consequences. 

"  After  a  long  rest  before  Louvain  we  entered  the 
town  at  7  p.m.  Our  artillery  had  taken  up  a  semi- 
circular position  on  the  heights  around  and  directed 
their  cannon  on  to  the  town."* 

The  above  events  occurred  on  August  19th, 
exactly  six  days  before  the  sack  of  Louvain.  It 
strikes  one  as  remarkable  that  the  German  cannon 
were  even  on  that  day  directed  against  an  unfortified 
city. 

Risse  was  among  the  first  German  troops  to  enter 
Brussels.  "  Our  route  took  us  through  some  of  the 
principal  streets,  and  various  splendid  buildings 
including  the  Royal  palace.  Joy  shone  in  our 
faces  and  a  feeling  of  pride  swelled  our  breasts 
at  being  the  first  to  enter  Belgium's  capital. 
These  feelings  found  expression  in  our  talk  and 
shouts.  The  man  behind  me  shouted  to 
every  bewildered,  staring  Belgian  whom  we 
passed  :  '  Yes,  young  fellow,  you  are  astonished, 
you  blockhead !  '  On  we  marched  with  the  air 
of  victors. 

"  The  inhabitants  were  exceedingly  kind,  so  that 
one  had  not  at  all  the  feeling  of  being  in  the  capital 
of  an  enemy.  They  brought  us  water,  lemonade, 
beer,  cigars,  cigarettes,  etc.,  without  asking  for  any 
payment."! 

The  same  writer  refers  to  similar  hospitahty  in 

•  Tbid.,  pp.  22-3.  t  Ibid.,  pp.  26-7. 


168  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

various  parts  of  his  book.  After  passing  through 
Brussels  he  continues  his  diary :  "  Sunday, 
August  23rd.  Nothing  came  of  our  hopes  for  a 
rest-day.  Shortly  after  5  a.m.  we  were  ready  for 
the  march.  A  fine  rain  was  falling  as  we  passed 
through  village  after  village.  We  saw  the  villagers 
with  frightened  faces  hurrying  to  church,  carrying 
prayer-books.  Notices  from  the  Belgian  Govern- 
ment were  placarded  on  the  houses,  warning  the 
people  to  avoid  every  kind  of  hostility  towards  the 
Germans."* 

From  the  last  sentence  it  is  evident  that  the 
Belgian  authorities  did  not  incite  the  civiHan  popu- 
lation to  resistance.  Other  German  war-writers 
state  that  the  Belgian  and  French  Governments 
had  organized  a  jranc-tireur  warfare  long  before, 
and  this  accusation  is  one  of  the  pillars  of  Germany's 
defence  for  the  destruction  of  Louvain. 

"  Soon  after  crossing  the  frontier  we  saw  the 
first  ruined  house.  Our  route  led  us  down  the  same 
road  on  which  a  few  days  before  the  violent  and 
bitter  struggles  had  taken  place  between  German 
troops  and  Belgian  soldiers,  aided  by  the  inhabitants. 
The  Belgians  have  supported  their  troops  in  a 
manner  which  can  only  be  described  as  bestial  and 
cruel.  From  the  houses  they  have  shot  at  troops 
on  the  march,  and  of  course  their  homes  have 
been  reduced  to  ashes. 

"  The  road  from  Aix-la-Chapelle  to  Liege  is  one 

>     .  *  Ibid.,  p.  31. 


"NECESSITY  KNOWS  NO  LAW"        169 

long,  sad  line  of  desolation.*  Otherwise  the  district 
is  fertile  ;  now,  however,  sadness  and  devastation 
reign  supreme.  Nearly  every  second  house  is  a 
heap  of  ruins,  while  the  houses  which  are  still 
standing  are  empty  and  deserted. 

"  On  every  side  signs  of  destruction  ;  furniture 
and  house  utensils  lie  around  ;  not  a  pane  of  glass 
but  what  is  broken.  Still  the  inhabitants  them- 
selves are  to  blame,  for  have  they  not  shot  at  our 
poor,  tired  soldiers  ?  "t 

That  is  the  utmost  sympathy  which  any  German 
has  expressed  for  Belgium.  The  German  public 
is  fully  informed  of  all  that  has  been  done,  and 
considers  that  they  have  been  brutally,  wrongfully 
treated.  Lord  Bryce's  report  as  well  as  the  French 
and  Belgian  official  reports  have  been  dealt  with 
at  considerable  length  in  the  German  Press,  but 
receive  no  credence  whatever  ;  they  are  lies,  all 
lies  invented  to  blacken  the  character  of  poor,  noble, 
generous  Germany  ! 

Germans  are  well  aware  of  the  awful  number  of 
brutal  crimes  which  their  men-folk  commit  year 
by  year  at  home.  Yet  they  are  absolutely  con- 
vinced that  these  same  men  are  immediately  trans- 
formed into  chivalrous  knights  so  soon  as  they  don 
the    Kaiser's    uniform.     They    seem    incapable    of 

•  On  September  8th,  19 14,  the  Kaiser  sent  a  long  telegram  to 
President  Wilson,  in  which  he  defended  the  German  armies  against 
the  charges  of  ruthless  atrocities.  He  euphemistically  stated  that  "  a 
few  villages  have  been  destroyed." 

t  "  Mit  den  Konigin-Fusilieren  durch  Belgien  "  ("  With  the  Queen 
Fusiliers  through  Belgium"),  by  H.  Knutz,  p.  13. 


170  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

conceiving  that  a  race  which  debauches  its  own 
women,  can  hardly  be  expected  to  show  the  crudest 
forms  of  respect  to  the  women  of  an  enemy- 
people. 

Herr  Knutz — an  elementary  school-teacher  in 
civilian  attire,  and  a  non-commissioned  officer  when 
in  the  German  army — seems  to  possess  some  rays  of 
human  feeHng.  "  Just  as  I  was  leaving  the  fort  I 
saw  seven  or  eight  Belgian  civilians  guarded  by  our 
men  with  fixed  bayonets.  They  were  charged  with 
firing  on  German  soldiers.  I  must  say  that  the 
lamentations  of  these  men — aged  from  20  to  50 — 
made  a  deep  impression  on  me.  They  had  thrown 
themselves  upon  their  knees,  and  with  raised  hands 
were  weeping  and  beseeching  that  their  lives  might 
be  spared. 

"  The  villagers  are  exceedingly  ignorant,  and 
when  their  land  is  in  danger,  believe  themselves 
justified  in  seizing  any  old  shot-gun  or  revolver 
which  lies  at  hand.  Probably  some  of  the  more 
prudent  are  aware  that  it  is  a  mad  enterprise,  but 
the  instinct  of  self-defence  is  so  innate  in  the 
simple  country  people  that  advice  does  not  help 
in  the  least."  (Von  Bethmann-HoUweg  and  von 
Tirpitz  justify  the  use  of  gas,  the  sinking  of  mer- 
chant vessels  containing  women  and  children, 
the  dropping  of  bombs  on  open  towns,  etc.,  etc., 
by  the  plea  of  self-defence. — ^Author.) 

"  But  it  is  otherwise  with  regard  to  the  atrocities 
on  our  wounded  ;  these  are  a  stain  on  Belgium's 
national  honour  which   will  not   easily  be  wiped 


"NECESSITY  KNOWS  NO  LAW"        171 

out.  A  German  would  never  perpetrate  such 
monstrous  crimes,*  and  that  we  can  say  without 
any  overweening  opinion  of  ourselves."t 

Herr  Knutz  offers  no  proof  of  the  alleged 
atrocities ;  he  has  heard  of  them,  believes  and 
repeats  the  story.  I  have  some  fifty  German 
books  describing  the  war  in  Belgium,  and  in  all 
of  them  similar  legends  are  mentioned,  but  in 
no  single  instance  is  a  case  proved  and  nailed 
down.  No  victim  is  named,  and  the  scene  of  the 
alleged  atrocity  is  never  given,  hence  it  seems  to 
be  the  usual  German  artifice  to  make  Stimmung,  i.e., 
to  raise  feeling. 

One  thumb-nail  picture  from  the  teacher's 
diary  shows  that  the  Germans  created  only  too 
well  a  Stimmung  of  abject  terror  among  the 
Belgians. 

*'  This  morning,  August  19th,  we  searched  a 
small  wood  for  Belgians,  but  found  none.  On 
leaving  the  wood  a  touching  picture  met  our 
eyes.  Several  families  were  fleeing  with  their 
children,  and  the  barest  necessaries  of  life,  into  a 
neighbouring  village.  An  old  woman  on  crutches 
was  trying  in  vain  to  keep  up  ;  a  young  mother 
with  a  sucking  child  was  sobbing  and  pressing 
the  babe  to  her  bosom.  The  boys  were  weeping 
bitterly  and  holding  their  hands  high  to  prove 
that  they  were  harmless.  We  passed  by  the  ruins 
of  Roosbeck,  where  civilians  had  shot  on  the  20th 

•  This  is  hypocrisy  or  ignorance. — Author, 
t  Ibid.,  pp.  18-19. 


172  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

Artillery  Regiment,  for  which  reason  it  was  burnt 
down."* 

Among  the  various  interesting  pictures  of  the 
Fatherland  sketched  by  German  authors  perhaps 
the  following  is  the  most  naive  :  "  English,  French 
and  Belgians,  hand  in  hand  ;  how  nicely  it  was 
all  thought  out  ;  Belgian  neutrality — so  solemnly 
pledged  by  all  the  Powers — was  nothing  but  a 
screen  behind  which  they  wrought  the  most 
devilish  plans  against  Germany.  It  was  a  neutrality 
which  had  long  since  been  betrayed  and  sold  by 
the  Belgian  Government. 

"  But  the  German  people — a  pure  fool-like 
Parsifal,  who  could  not  conceive  such  treachery 
and  knavery  because  it  was  incapable  of  such 
things  itself — toiled  and  worked  day  by  day, 
enjoyed  the  blessings  of  peace,  was  happy  in  its 
existence  and  ignorant  of  the  looming  clouds 
gathering  on  its  frontiers.  All  hail  to  our  chosen 
leaders  who  kept  watch  and  ward  over  a  dream- 
ing people,  and  did  not  allow  themselves  to  be 
lulled  into  watchlessness  by  the  lies  of  our  enemies, 
who  while  talking  of  peace  intrigued  for  our 
annihilation."! 

The  same  author's  opinion  of  the  Belgians 
coincides  with  that  expressed  by  many  of  his 
fellow  countrymen.  "  What  did  our  troops  find 
by  the  roadside  ?     On   all   sides  haversacks,  straps, 

•  Ibid.,  p.  27. 

t  "  Von  Liittich  bis  Flandern  "    ("  From    Li^ge  to  Flanders "),  hy 
Wilhelm  Kotzde.    Weimar,  1914  ;  p.  5. 


"NECESSITY  KNOWS   NO  LAW"        178 

cartridges,  caps,  tunics  and  rifles.  To  our  soldiers 
this  was  a  remarkable  sign  of  flight,  for  they  are 
accustomed  to  military  training  of  a  different 
sort.  In  the  forts,  it  is  true,  they  found  among 
the  soldiers  also  civilians  wearing  patent-leather 
shoes.  Indeed,  the  whole  Belgian  campaign  has 
shown  how  badly  the  army  was  prepared  and 
equipped. 

"  The  lack  of  discipline  and  order  is  evident, 
however,  in  every  department  of  Belgium's  national 
life,  and  these  virtues  they  endeavoured  to  replace 
by  cunning  and  cruelty — at  least  among  the 
Walloons."* 

A  Knight  of  the  Order  of  St.  Johnf  is  still  more 
cynical  in  his  Condemnation  of  the  conquered 
enemy :  "  The  greatest  misfortune  in  this  land 
is  unemployment ;  factories  are  inactive  and  shops 
closed.  The  horrors  of  famine  draw  nearer,  and 
we,  as  well  as  some  neutral  countries,  are  en- 
deavouring to  relieve  the  tortures  of  want.  But 
charity  only  encourages  the  laziness  of  the  inhabi- 
tants. Just  as  the  refugees  in  Holland,  the 
Belgians  who  have  remained  in  their  land  would 
like  to  put  their  hands  in  their  pockets  and  be 
fed.  Of  course,  that  is  not  permissible,  and  the 
German  Government  does  its  best  to  rap  these 
lazy  wretches  on  the  fingers." 

"  It  was  characteristic  that  the  Belgians  always 

*  Ibid,,  pp.  61-2. 

t  "  Kriegsfahrten   eines  Johanniters,"  by   Fedor  von  Zobeltitz,  pp. 
86-7. 


174  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

placed  their  hopes  on  foreign  help  and  never 
dared  to  rely  on  the  strength  of  their  own  army. 
This  alone  is  a  serious  symptom  of  national  weak- 
ness. Still,  the  Belgian  army  has  fought  bravely. 
It  is  true  they  had  not  the  discipline  and  prepara- 
tion which  distinguish  the  German  troops,  but 
everything  which  a  badly  equipped  and  trained 
army  could  achieve  they  have  done."* 

It  is  not  necessary  for  the  author  of  this  work 
to  write  a  song  of  glorification  for  Belgium  ;  she 
has  herself  composed  an  epic  of  valour  and  self- 
sacrifice  written  in  immortal  deeds.  At  present 
her  only  reward  seems  to  be  a  desolate  land  in 
the  hands  of  the  conqueror,  and  the  graves  of  her 
fallen  sons.  Germany's  evident  intention  is  the 
annexation  of  that  part  of  Belgium  where  Flemish 
is  spoken.  At  the  moment  of  writing,  Goliath 
has  vanquished  David.  France  and  England  have 
a  supreme  duty  to  fulfil :  they  are  called  to  avenge 
Belgium's  wrongs,  and  thereby  establish  the 
principle  that  even  necessity  must  recognize  law. 

•  Wilhelm  Kotzde :   "  Von  Luttich  bis  Flandern,"  p.  71. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

ATROCITIES 

THE  question  of  Belgian  atrocities  is  so 
important  that  no  apology  is  required  for 
giving  the  British  public  every  possible  oppor- 
tunity to  sift  evidence,  and  above  all,  to  hear  the 
German  side. 

In  the  interests  of  fair  play  we  will  allow  a 
German  lawyer*  to  state  the  case  against  the 
Belgians.  Herr  Grasshof!  is  armed  vnth  two 
doctorates  and  is  in  practice  as  an  advocate  in  one 
of  the  higher  courts  of  law  {Kammergericht), 
Chapter  III.  of  his  work  is  entitled  :  "  The  Belgian 
Outrages ;  "  in  the  foregoing  chapter  he  en- 
deavours to  show  that  the  Belgian  Press  had  worked 
upon  public  opinion  and  lashed  it  into  such  a  state 
that  atrocities  and  mutilations  of  Germans  by 
Belgian  men,  women,  boys  and  girls  were  the 
natural  consequences. 

"  That  the  goaded  rage  of  the  lower  classes 
found    expression    in    nameless    horrors    is    unfor- 

<»  Richard  Grasshof! :    "  Belglen's  Schuld  "  ("  Belgium's  Guilt "). 


176  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

tunately  a  sorry  truth.  The  proofs  ?  We  are 
not  in  a  position  to  satisfy  the  desire  for  sensation 
with  a  cabinet  of  horrors.  The  equipment  of  the 
German  army  does  not  include  either  the  jars 
or  the  chemical  fluids  for  preserving  hacked-off 
limbs,  hence  it  is  impossible  to  display  exhibits 
as  in  a  museum.  Our  hospitals  do  not  admit 
the  dead. 

"  If  Germany  should  be  compelled  to  conduct 
a  second  campaign  against  the  cultured  peoples 
of  Western  Europe,  then  she  will  not  forget  to 
add  the  above  articles  to  her  equipment  in  any 
future  war  against  such  opponents.  Pitying 
mother  earth  covers  the  murdered  victims." 

This  eloquent  lawyer  has  overlooked  the  aid 
which  the  art  of  photography  affords,  and  as  the 
German  army  was  well  equipped  with  cameras, 
some  tangible  proofs  could  still  have  been  pro- 
cured— assuming  there  were  any  shred  of  truth 
in  Germany's  accusations.  The  Berlin  Govern- 
ment has  circulated  photographs  of  dum-dum 
bullets,  i.e.^  English  and  French  bullets  with  the 
points  cut  off.  It  is  true  no  statement  is  offered 
regarding  the  time  and  place  of  the  points  being 
cut  off,  which  leaves  us  free  to  believe  that  captured 
ammunition  was  "  doctored  "  in  this  manner  by 
the  Germans  themselves.  "  Necessity  knows  no 
law "  is  a  principle  capable  of  the  widest 
application. 

Grasshoff's    work    was     only    published    a    few 
months  ago,  so  that  he  had  ample  time  to  collect 


ATROCITIES  177 

facts  and  proofs — the  result  is,  six  detailed  cases 
with  the  names  of  his  German  informants  and 
their  regiments.  In  each  case  the  "  evidence " 
is  of  an  exceedingly  doubtful  character  ;  in  view 
of  the  gravity  of  the  charges,  the  lack  of  corro- 
boration (each  case  is  "  proved  "  by  one  v\dtness 
alone),  and  the  partisanship  of  all  concerned,  we 
may  safely  conclude  that  no  court  of  justice  would 
convict  on  it. 

The  same  criticism  applies  to  the  official  White 
Book,  published  in  June  or  July  of  the  present 
year.  Every  witness  had  previously  sworn  an 
oath  to  protect  the  German  flag  (der  Fahneneid) 
which  precludes  the  probability  of  all  impartiality 
in  the  witness  and  makes  bias  {Befangenheit)  his 
simple  duty.  Another  important  factor  to  be 
borne  in  mind  is  the  hysterical,  morbid  self- 
importance  of  the  German  nation  in  general, 
which  causes  police  and  members  of  the  German 
army  to  shoot  or  cut  down  with  the  sword  their 
own  civilians  for  the  most  trivial  offences,  even  in 
times  of  peace. 

The  White  Book  in  question  contains  a  six- 
page  introduction  stating  the  charges  against 
Belgian  civilians,  and  three  hundred  and  seventeen 
pages  of  sworn  evidence  of  German  officers  and 
soldiers  taken  for  the  most  part  in  Belgium  and 
France.  A  few  extracts  from  the  introduction 
will  suffice  to  make  the  German  side  clear. 

"  Finally,  there  is  not  the  slightest  doubt  that 
Belgian    civilians     robbed     and     killed     German 

12 


178  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

wounded  ;  in  short,  mutilated  them  in  a  barbarous 
manner  ;  even  women  and  young  girls  participated 
in  these  atrocities.  Hence  German  wounded  have 
had  their  eyes  gouged  out,  noses,  ears,  fingers  and 
genitals  cut  off  and  their  bodies  cut  open ;  in 
other  cases  German  soldiers  have  been  poisoned, 
hanged  on  trees,  or  had  burning  liquids  poured 
on  them,  causing  death  in  a  most  terrible  form. 

"  This  bestial  behaviour  on  the  part  of  the 
civilian  population  is  a  breach  of  Article  I., 
Convention  of  Geneva,*  and  the  principles  of 
military  law,  as  well  as  the  principles  of  humanity  " 

(p-4)- 

"  The  guilt  for  these  transgressions  of  inter- 
national law  lies  largely  at  the  door  of  the  Belgian 
Government.  The  latter  has  made  an  attempt 
to  rid  itself  of  responsibility  by  ascribing  the  guilt 
to  the  rage  for  destruction  in  the  German  troops, 
who  are  accused  of  proceeding  to  deeds  of  violence 
without  any  reason  or  ground.t 

"  An  examining  commission  has  been  appointed 
by  the  Belgian  Government  to  inquire  into  the 
alleged  cruelties  of  German  soldiers,  and  the 
evidence  thus  obtained  has  been  made  the  subject 
of  diplomatic  complaints.  This  attempt  to  pervert 
the  truth  has  absolutely  failed. 

"  The  German  army  is  accustomed  to  wage 
war  against  hostile  troops,  but  not  against  peaceful 

•  Self-proclaimed  outlaws  cite  the  law  when  it  suits  their  purpose  1 — 
Author. 

t  Certainly,  just  as  in  Germany  in  peace  time, — Author, 


ATROCITIES  179 

citizens.*  Investigations  conducted  by  any  exam- 
ining commission  whatsoever,  can  never  dispose 
of  the  irrefutable  fact  that  German  troops  were 
forced  by  Belgium's  native  population  to  take  de- 
fensive measures  in  the  interests  of  self-preservation. 

"  The  refugees'  tales  collected  by  the  Belgian 
commission  and  declared  by  them  to  be  the  result 
of  an  impartial  investigation  bear  a  stamp  which 
makes  them  unworthy  of  belief.  According  to 
the  nature  of  things,  the  commission  is  not  in  a 
position  to  test  the  veracity  of  such  rumours  or  to 
apprehend  the  association  of  events.  Hence, 
their  accusations  against  the  German  army  are 
nothing  other  than  base  slanders  which  are 
completely  invalidated  by  the  accompanying 
documents  "  (pp.  5-6). 

It  must  be  assumed  that  readers  are  acquainted 
with  the  official  publications  of  the  Belgian  and 
French  Governments  accusing  the  German  army 
with  waging  war  in  an  atrocious  manner,  as  well 
as  the  report  of  Lord  Bryce's  commission  and 
Professor  Morgan's  report  in  the  ''  Nineteenth 
Century "  for  June.  In  the  above  extract  the 
Berlin  Government  rules  them  one  and  all  out  of 
court,  which  is  the  author's  justification  for  making 
no  use  of  their  evidence. 

Fortunately  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  of 
Germany  has  published  a  refutation  of  Germany's 

•  German  non-commissioned  officers  are  accustomed  to  kick  and 
beat  German  privates,  and  the  behaviour  of  German  soldiers  to  fellow- 
lubjects  is  aptly  illustrated  by  Lieutenant  Forster  fighting  a  pitched 
battle  with  a  lame  old  cobbler  in  Zabern. — Author. 

12* 


180  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

White  Book,  and  surely  this  authority  deserves 
credence.  The  work  in  question  bears  the  title  : 
"  Der  Liigengeist  im  Volkerkrieg,"  Kriegs- 
marchen  gesammelt  von  Bernhard  Duhr,  SJ. 
("  The  Spirit  of  Lying  in  the  War  of  the  Nations," 
War  Legends  collected  by  the  Rev.  Bernhard 
Duhr,  S.  J.).*  The  reverend  gentleman  castigates 
all  the  nations  at  v^ar  v^ith  the  same  offence — 
lying.  His  work  should  have  permanent  value  in 
the  literature  of  war  psychology,  but  he  only 
undertakes  to  expose  German  lies,  and  in  his 
72-paged  booklet  he  proves  to  the  hilt  the 
charges  made  in  this  work. 

In  his  introduction  the  Rev.  Duhr  states  that 
the  office  of  the  Priests'  Society  "  Pax "  in 
Cologne  has  taken  great  pains  to  expose  and  refute 
lies  as  fast  as  they  have  appeared.  The  original 
documents  are  preserved  in  the  above  office  and 
may  be  seen  by  anyone  who  cares  to  apply. 

Probably  one  of  the  motives  actuating  the 
Society  "  Pax "  and  the  Rev.  B.  Duhr  was  the 
intention  to  refute  the  accusations  of  cruel  out- 
rages by  Belgian  and  French  Catholic  priests. 
Whatever  their  motives  may  have  been,  one  thing 
is  certain,  they  have  produced  most  convincing 
proof  of  German  mendacity.  It  is  to  be  hoped 
that  the  "  Pax  "  will  give  the  world  the  benefit 
of  all  the  documents  in  their  possession. 

Even  the  Kaiser  had  the  audacity  to  state  in  his 
telegram    of    September    8th,   1914,    to   President 

•  The  author  hopes  to  publish  a  complete  translation  shortly. 


ATROCITIES  181 

Wilson  that  "  women  and  priests  have  been  guilty 
of  atrocities  in  this  guerilla  warfare."  For  reasons 
easy  to  understand  the  reverend  gentleman  does  not 
introduce  the  Kaiser's  name  into  his  booklet,  but 
in  the  introduction  he  remarks :  "  Finally  the 
refutation  of  such  fairy-tales  is  a  patriotic  duty. 
Nothing  is  more  essential  for  us  Germans,  especially 
in  war  time,  than  unity;  but  this  harmony  is 
necessarily  endangered  by  religious  bitterness  and 
strife.  Of  a  necessity  it  must  cause  deep  pain  and 
embitterment  to  our  Catholic  population  when 
again  and  again  entirely  untrue  accusations  are 
made  against  the  priesthood  of  their  Church." 

The  Rev.  Duhr's  exposure  of  what  he  calls 
"  erlogener  Schauergeschichten  "  ("  lying  horror 
tales  ")  kills  most  of  the  "  fairy-tales  "  accusing 
the  Russians,  French  and  Belgians  of  atrocities 
on  German  soldiers.  A  few  illustrations  will  suffice 
to  show  the  absence  of  all  foundation  for  the 
charges  against  the  Belgians  ;  charges,  we  must 
remember,  which  the  German  soldiery  believed, 
and  which  convinced  them  they  were  performing 
a  holy  task  at  Louvain,  Tirlemont,  Dinant,  etc. 

*'  On  October  1st,  19 14,  a  telegraphic  agency 
(Wolff's  ?)  issued  the  following  notice  :  '  A  high 
Bavarian  officer  writing  from  the  front  has  in- 
formed the  Miinchen-Augshurger  Abendzeitung  of 
this  incident.  South  of  Cambrai  a  column  of 
German  motor-cars  was  attacked  by  a  company 
of  French  cyclists.  For  the  most  part  the  guard 
was  killed  by  rifle  fire,  while  the  cars  were  all  burnt. 


182  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

Later  a  German  patrol  discovered  the  remains, 
and  on  investigation,  found  that  the  dead  Germans 
had  all  had  their  eyes  gouged  out.'  " 

The  reverend  Father  comments  as  follows  : 
"  On  following  up  this  case,  it  was  impossible  to 
prove  whether  the  patrol  had  seen  rightly  or 
whether  they  had  really  made  the  report  at  all. 
So  much  is  certain,  however,  that  in  the  matter 
of  eyes  being  gouged  out,  an  absolute  mania  of 
gruesomeness  broke  loose.  An  innumerable  swarm 
of  such  horrible  tales  were  told,  passed  on,  and 
finally  guaranteed    as    true — and    yet   they    were 

ALL  FAIRY-TALES.      A  fcW  CaSCS  will  SufficC. 

"  In  September,  19 14,  the  following  paragraph 
appeared  in  the  papers  :  '  Several  ladies  engaged 
in  Red  Cross  work  on  Cologne  Station  were  in- 
formed with  every  assurance  of  truth,  that  a 
hospital  at  Aix-la-Chapelle  contained  a  whole 
ward  full  of  wounded  whose  eyes  had  been  gouged 
out  on  the  battlefields  of  Belgium.' 

"  On  September  26th  the  editor  of  the  Catholic 
Kolnische  Folkszeitung  wrote  to  Dr.  Kaufmann, 
a  high  Roman  Catholic  dignitary  in  Aix-la- 
Chapelle,  begging  him  to  ascertain  whether  the 
report  were  true.  Two  days  later  that  gentleman 
replied  :  '  As  regards  the  rumour  mentioned  in 
your  letter,  I  beg  to  inform  you  that  I  at  once 
put  myself  in  communication  with  the  authorities. 
I  inquired  of  the  doctor  in  charge  of  a  hospital 
here  (he  is,  by  the  way,  a  famous  specialist  for  the 
eyes),   and   he   assures   me   that    in    all    the  local 


ATROCITIES  188 

hospitals  there  is  no  ward  for  wounded  whose  eyes 
have  been  put  out,  and  such  a  case  has  never  been 
OBSERVED  in  the  town,  although  the  place  is  full 
of  wounded.' 

"  A  second  report  which  the  same  journal 
exposed  dates  from  October,  19 14.  Recently 
Dean  A.,  who  is  the  Superior  in  a  military  hospital 
in  the  Franciscan  Nunnery  at  S.,  came  to  us  and 
reported  that  a  wounded  soldier  had  told  him  that 
he  had  heard*  that  in  the  monastery  Bl.  by  V.,  in 
Holland,  there  were  twenty-two  wounded  German 
soldiers  whose  eyes  had  been  gouged  out  by  Bel- 
gians. The  Dean  begged  us  to  write  to  the  Mother 
Superior  and  ask  for  confirmation  of  the  story. 
We  did  write,  and  the  lady  answered  that  ther^ 
was  no  hospital  at  all  in  the  cloister  Bl."t 

The  same  lie  travelled  to  Bonn,  Sigmaringen, 
Potsdam,  Bremen,  and  was  successively  nailed 
down  by  the  Volkszeitung.  Inquiries  were  made 
in  all  directions  wherever  a  case  of  gouged-out 
eyes  was  reported,  the  result  being  everywhere 
the  same — a  fairy-tale. 

Yet  when  the  German  Imperial  Chancellor 
received  a  party  of  American  journalists  (repre- 
sentatives of  the  United  Press  and  the  Associated 
Press)  on  September  2nd,  1914,  he  communicated 
this  statement  :  "  The  English  will  inform  your 
countrymen  that  German  troops  have  burnt  down 

•  The  words  "  hear  "  and  "  heard  "  occur  very  frequently  in   these 
legends . — Author. 

t  The  Rev.  Duhr's  book,  pp.  11-12. 


184  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

Belgian  villages  and  towns,  but  they  will  conceal 
the  fact  that  Belgian  girls  have  gouged  out  the 
eyes  of  our  helpless  soldiers  lying  on  the  battle- 
fields." 

"  Berlin  papers  informed  the  public  that  '  a 
large  number  of  Belgian  civilians  were  prisoners 
in  Miinster.  They  are  the  same  bestial  creatures 
who  shot  from  their  houses  on  our  unsuspecting 
troops,  and  who,  before  the  arrival  of  our  invading 
armies  in  Belgium,  had  perpetrated  all  sorts  of 
cruelties  on  helpless  German  citizens.  Indeed, 
when  they  were  searched  on  their  arrival  at  the 
prisoners'  camp  fingers  with  rings  on  them, 
which  they  had  hacked  off  their  victims,  were 
found  in  their  pockets.  Justice  will  soon  strike 
down  these  Belgians,  among  whom  a  very  large 
number  of  priests  are  to  be  found.  Twenty  to 
thirty  have  already  been  condemned  to  death  by 
a  court-martial.' 

"  The  '  Pax '  Society  of  Priests  immediately 
wrote  to  the  commander  of  the  prisoners'  camp, 
and  received  this  reply :  '  The  ridiculous  asser- 
tion of  a  Berlin  paper  that  fingers  had  been  found 
in  the  pockets  of  Belgian  civilians  in  this  camp  is 
false.  Neither  has  any  priest  or  layman  been 
condemned  to  death,  but  over  one  hundred 
Belgian  women  and  children  have  been  sent  home 
again.'  "* 

The  above  extracts  will  suffice  to  show  how  these 
Roman   Catholic  gentlemen   proceeded.     Immedi- 

•  Ibid.,  p.  19. 


ATROCITIES  185 

ately  an  atrocity  was  reported  they  applied  to  the 
authorities,  and  in  every  case  received  an  affirma- 
tion that  the  deed  had  never  taken  place.  Among 
the  monstrous  lies  exposed  by  these  investigators, 
are  reports  that  Belgian  priests  paid  eight  shillings 
for  every  German  head  brought  to  them  ;  high 
treason  charges  against  Catholic  priests  in  Alsace  ; 
all  kinds  of  monstrous  crimes  charged  to  the 
priesthood  ;  that  a  Belgian  boy  was  caught  with 
a  bucketful  of  dead  Germans'  eyes  ;  espionage 
by  priests  etc.,  etc. 

Yet  one  other  case  deserves  quotation :  "  On 
October  5th,  1914,  a  priest  was  travelling  by  rail 
to  Mayence.  In  the  same  compartment  there 
were  four  privates  from  Infantry  Regiment  No.  94. 
One  of  them  named  Rossner,  related  the  following 
story  to  his  comrades,  and  then,  at  the  priest's 
request,  again  repeated  it  : 

"  *  In  the  Belgian  village  of  Patsie  the  cure 
welcomed  a  German  major  and  his  orderly  into 
his  house.  Afterwards  the  priest  promised  a  boy 
of  thirteen  that  he  should  go  straight  to  heaven  if 
he  would  murder  the  two  Germans.  The  lad 
perpetrated  the  murder,  after  which  he  and  the 
curS  were  shot  under  martial  law.' 

"  When  the  priest  pointed  out  how  incredible 
the  whole  story  was,  the  soldier  swore  to  its  truth, 
and  became  very  impolite  to  his  auditor.  An 
inquiry  was  instituted  and  this  was  the  result  : 

"*War  Office,  No.  1866.  The  investigations 
made,  in  especial  the  hearing  under  oath  of  private 


18C  WHAT   GERMANY  THINKS 

Rossner  and  several  officers  in  his  regiment,  have 
resulted  in  the  following  particulars  being  obtained  : 
At  the  beginning  of  the  campaign  as  the  troops 
marched  into  a  village — name  unknown — they 
-saw  by  the  roadside  two  or  three  dead  civilians. 
One  was  apparently  a  boy  of  about  thirteen,  while 
the  other  was  an  adult  with  a  dark  coat.  It  was 
not  established  whether  this  was  the  body  of  a 
priest.  Furthermore,  we  have  not  been  able  to 
discover  by  whom,  or  for  what  reason,  these 
people  were  shot. 

"  '  At  that  time  the  story  quoted  by  you  about  a 

cure  and  a  boy,  was  told  as  a  '*  rumour  "  to  all  the 

troops   marching   through.     It   is   impossible   after 

the  lapse  of  time  to  test  the  truth  of  the  narrative. 

"  '  Signed  by  order, 

"  '  Bauer  and  Wagner.'  "* 

The  above  document  may  be  said,  without 
presumption,  to  possess  historic  importance.  It 
is  a  frank  admission  by  the  German  War  Office 
that  Belgian  civilians  were  actually  shot  down 
without  rhyme  or  reason.  Apparently  German 
soldiers  (!)  had  a  carte  hlanche  to  shoot  whom  they 
liked,  without  rendering  or  being  expected  to 
render  a  report  of  their  doings. 

The  Rev.  Duhr  writes  :  "  The  incredible  speed 

with  which  these  lying  tales  of  horror  spread  on 

all  sides  must  be  classed  as  a  morbid  phenomenon, 

a  sort  of  blood-cult.      Their    consequences    could 

•  Ibid.,  pp.  54-5. 


ATROCITIES  18T 

only  be  to  act  upon  the  national  soul  as  a  stimu- 
lant, inspiring  fear  and  brutality."* 

The  author  of  this  work  is  prepared  to  go  much 
farther  than  the  Rev.  Father,  and  maintain  that 
the  foul,  diseased  imaginations  which  could  invent 
such  monstrous  horrors  are  also  capable  of  per- 
petrating them.  They  did  not  spring  from  the 
imagination  of  an  Edgar  Allan  Poe,  but  arose  in 
the  minds  of  Germany's  brutal  peasantry  and 
bloodthirsty  working  classes,  who  together  every 
year  commit  in  times  of  peace  9,000  acts  of  brutal, 
immoral  bestiality,  and  maliciously  wound  175,000 
of  their  fellow  German  citizens.! 

To-day  Germany  shouts  in  ecstasy  that  she  is 
the  chosen  power  of  God  ;  that  her  Kultur  will 
regenerate  the  world.  Let  it  first  regenerate  the 
"  Augean  Stable  "  known  to  the  world  as  Germany. 
Without  further  comment  readers  are  left  to  form 
their  own  opinion  of  a  Press  which  breeds  such 
filth,  and  the  cultural  level  of  a  people  which 
consumes  such  garbage.  But  the  world  owes  a 
debt  of  gratitude  to  the  Rev.  Bernhard  Duhr,  S.J., 
and  the  "  Pax  "  Society  in  Cologne. 

The  accusations  of  plundering  on  the  part  of 
German  soldiers  is  naturally  denied  in  toto  by  all 
parties  in  the  Fatherland.  Indeed,  it  has  been 
discovered  that  the  British  army  was  guilty  of 
wilful  destruction   in   Belgium.     A  certain   Major 

*  Ibid.,  p.  9. 

t  Vide  Vol.  267  Vierteljabrshefte^  publishei  by  the  Berlin 
Government,  19 14. 


188  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

Krusemarck,  commanding  the  2nd  battalion  of 
the  1 2th  Infantry  Reserve  Regiment,  is  responsible 
for  the  story.  "  On  October  loth  I  entered 
Wilryk,  near  Antwerp,  and  took  up  my  quarters 
in  the  Italian  Consulate.  All  the  houses  had 
been  deserted  by  the  inhabitants.  Immediately 
after  entering  the  house  I  perceived  that  English 
soldiers  had  been  here  and  behaved  in  a  barbarous 
manner.  Mirrors,  valuable  objects  of  art,  etc., 
had  been  smashed  in  a  way  which  betrayed  purpose." 
The  major's  report  continues  :  "  The  destruction 
which  I  have  described  had  undoubtedly  been 
perpetrated  by  members  of  the  English  army, 
and  as  proof  of  this  I  may  state  that  in  one  of  the 
rooms  about  a  dozen  visiting-cards  were  found 
with  the  name :  Major  E.  L.  Gerrard,  Royal 
Marine  Light  Infantery  (sic). 

"  During  the  subsequent  pursuit  of  the  Belgian  and 
English  armies  we  heard  repeated  complaints  from 
the  inhabitants  that  especially  the  English  troops  had 
acted  in  the  most  inconsiderate  manner,  purposely 
destroying  furniture,  etc.,  in  civilian  houses."* 

Without  doubt  the  story  belongs  to  the  group 
of  legends  exposed  by  the  "  Pax "  Society,  for 
which  reason  it  is  quoted  here,  as  a  fitting  supple- 
ment to  them.  Yet  it  is  psychologically  interesting 
to  note  how  difficult  it  is  for  Germans  who  burn, 
destroy  and  violate  in  their  own  country  to  believe 
that  they  behave  otherwise  than  as  lambs  when 
playing  the  role  of  invaders. 

•  Richard  Grasshoff :   "  Belglen's  Schuld,"  p.  84. 


ATROCITIES  189 

One  quotation  from  a  large  number  will  illustrate 
sufficiently  the  respect  which  the  German  troops 
felt  for  civilian  homes  in  the  territories  occupied 
by  them ;  "  We  got  into  the  house  by  a  back- 
door. Orders  had  been  issued  that  only  food  and 
shirts  were  to  be  taken.  The  cellar  was  full  of 
wine  and  champagne.  A  corporal  brought  us 
some  of  the  latter.  After  half  an  hour  the  rooms 
looked  very  different ;  all  the  cupboards  had  been 
emptied  in  order  to  get  at  the  jams  and  jellies. 
Several  pots  of  fruit  preserved  in  wine  were  divided 
as  honestly  as  the  greed  of  the  individual  allowed. 

"  All  the  underclothing  was  seized  upon,  obviously 
only  the  best  being  taken.  Many  a  dirty  Pole 
put  on  such  a  shirt  as  he  had  never  dreamed  of 
before.  Even  ladies'  chemises  were  commandeered, 
and  some  of  the  men  assured  me  that  a  French 
chemise  is  quite  comfortable — in  spite  of  the 
short  sleeves. 

'•  If  there  is  a  sterner  sex  in  France,  which  is 
exceedingly  doubtful,  they  do  not  seem  to  possess 
pants ;  so  the  men  resorted  to  the  corresponding 
article  worn  by  ladies."*  (This  writer  refers  in 
other  parts  of  his  book  to  "  mementoes  "  which 
he  carried  home  to  the  Fatherland,  after  being 
wounded  at  the  Marne.) 

•  H.  Knutz  :    "  Mit  den  Konigin-Fusilieren  durch  Belgien,"  p.  42. 


CHAPTER  IX 

THE    NEUTRALITY    OF   BELGIUM    AND    GERMANY'S 
ANNEXATION    PROPAGANDA 

AFTERTHOUGHTS"  is  the  term  which 
would  perhaps  designate  most  concisely 
the  section  of  German  war  literature  treating  of 
Belgium's  violated  neutrality.  Should  that  designa- 
tion appear  unfitting,  then  the  author  has  only 
one  other  to  suggest — "  whitewash." 

In  order  to  apprehend  clearly  the  method  and 
aims  concealed  beneath  the  "  afterthoughts," 
readers  must  bear  in  mind  that  every  attempt  to 
protest  against  the  annexation  of  Belgium  by 
Germany  is  prohibited  by  the  German  censor. 
The  Social  Democratic  organs  emphasize  the  fact 
almost  daily  that  they  are  not  permitted  to  print 
anything  contrary  to  the  principle  of  annexation. 

On  the  other  hand,  numerous  writers  are  allowed 
to  make  a  most  extensive  propaganda  by  suggesting 
that  annexation  is  necessary  in  the  interests  of 
their  racial-brothers  the  Flemings.  By  order  of 
the  German  Government  a  geographical  descrip- 
tion of  the  country  has  been  published,*  in  which 

•  "  Belgien,  Land  und  Leute,"  Berlin,  1915. 
190 


THE  NEUTRALITY  OF  BELGIUM        191 

every  detail  of  Belgium's  wealth  in  minerals, 
agriculture,  and  so  on,  is  described,  with  no 
other  possible  purpose  than  the  desire  to  whet 
German  Michael's  appetite. 

All  at  once  Germany  has  become  suspiciously 
interested  in  Belgian  history,  in  the  domestic 
quarrels  between  Walloons  and  Flemings,  in  the 
alleged  oppression  of  the  latter  (Low  Germans) 
by  the  former,  and  propose  for  themselves  the  part 
of  liberator  and  saviour  for  Flemish  culture.  They 
have  discovered,  among  other  things,  that  Belgium 
was  merely  a  paper  State,  a  diplomatic  invention, 
an  experiment,  and  that  no  "  Belgian "  people 
has  ever  existed,  but  rather  two  hostile  elements 
were  packed  under  the  same  roof  against  their 
will  by  the  Conference  of  London — the  said  roof 
bears  the  name  Belgium  ! 

According  to  a  good  German-Swiss*  the  Belgians 
have  no  national  feelings,  no  patriotism,  and  have 
never  had  a  Fatherland.  If  a  serious  writer 
can  make  such  statements  after  the  Belgians 
have  defended  their  native  country  so  heroi- 
cally, one  naturally  wonders  whether  Herr 
Blocher  is  sane,  or  merely  a  paid  agent  of  the 
German  authorities.  In  his  work  he  denies  every 
and  any  intention  to  justify  or  condemn  either 
Germany  or  Belgium,  and  then  proceeds  to 
blacken  the  latter's  character  by  quoting  every 
Belgian  utterance  which  may  be  interpreted  as 
anti-German.     These  expressions  lead  him  to  the 

♦  "  Belgische  Neutralitat,"  by  Eduard  Blocher.     Zurich,  1915. 


192  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

remarkable  conclusion    that    Belgians   had    already 
violated  their  own  neutrality  ! 

Blocher  states  that  his  work  is  only  intended 
to  prove  that  Switzerland  has  nothing  to  fear 
from  Germany's  precedent  in  invading  Belgium. 
But  he  never  mentions  Belgium's  maritime  interests, 
Antwerp  and  the  extensive  seacoast  on  the  North 
Sea.  He  is  oblivious  to  the  fact  that  Germany's 
desire  to  possess  these  was  the  sole  motive  for  pre- 
cipitating war  and  invading  Belgium.  To  Germany 
the  coast  of  Belgium  is  the  door  to  the  world  and 
world  domination.  Switzerland  does  not  possess 
such  a  door,  and  therefore  had  nothing  to  fear  from 
her  powerful  neighbour ;  but  if  the  Allies  arc 
unable  to  bar  this  door  to  Germany's  aggressive 
schemes,  then  the  time  is  not  far  distant  when 
Germany  would  remember  that  she  has  "  brothers  " 
within  Swiss  frontiers  and  insist  upon  their  entrance 
into  the  great  Teutonic  sheepfold — just  as  her 
most  earnest  desire  at  present  is  to  drive  the 
"  lost  "  Flemings  back  to  their  parent  race. 

Among  the  many  phrases  which  Germans  have 
coined  to  describe  Belgium  the  following  occur  : 
bastard,  eunuch  and  hermaphrodite.  According 
to  the  German  conception  of  a  "  State,"  Belgium 
is  an  unnatural  monstrosity,  from  which  one  draws 
the  natural  conclusion  that  Germany  intends  to 
remove  it  from  the  domain  of  earthly  affairs. 

On  the  whole,  German  writers  admit  the 
existence  of  Belgian  neutrality,  and  also  Germany's 
pledge    to    respect    it.     The    three    most    serious 


THE  NEUTRALITY  OF  BELGIUM        193 

writers  on  the  subject  are,  Dr.  Reinhard  Frank,* 
professor  of  jurisprudence  in  Munich  University  ; 
Dr.  Karl  Hampe,t  professor  in  Heidelberg  ;  and 
Dr.  Walter  Schoenborn,t  also  a  professor  in  Heidel- 
berg University. 

The  nearer  examination  of  these  three  works 
must  be  premised  by  two  important  considera- 
tions. Firstly,  the  three  professors  ignore  the 
fact  that  Germany  was  a  menace  to  Belgium, 
and  make  no  mention  of  German  aspirations  for 
a  coastline  on  or  near  the  English  Channel.  Holland 
and  Belgium  form  a  twentieth  century  "  Naboth's 
vineyard,"  on  which  the  German  Ahab  has  cast 
avaricious  glances  for  upwards  of  forty  years. 

A  casual  acquaintance  with  Pan-German  and 
German  naval  and  military  literature  during  the 
same  period,  affords  overwhelming  proof  of  this 
powerful  current  in  German  nationalism.  If 
Naboth  consulted  strong  neighbours  as  to  necessary 
precautions  against  Ahab's  plans  for  obtaining  the 
vineyard,  then  Naboth  acted  as  a  wise  man,  and 
the  only  regret  to-day  is  that  the  "  strong  neigh- 
bours "  only  offered  Naboth  assurances  and  words, 
instead  of  deeds.     In  other  words   Great   Britain 

•  Reinhard  Frank  :   "  Die  belgische  Neutralitat."     Tubingen,  191 5. 

t  Karl  Hampe  :  "  Belgien's  Vergangenheit  und  Gegenwart."  Berlin, 
1915. 

t  Walther  Schoenborn :  "  Die  Neutralitat  Belgien's."  This  is  an 
appendix  to  a  large  work  written  by  twenty  university  professors,  entitled 
"  Deutschland  und  der  Weltkrieg,"  published  by  B.  G.  Tcubner, 
Leipzig  and  Berlin,  19 15. 

13 


194  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

did  nothing  because,  as  Lord  Haldane  expressed  it, 
the  Liberal  Cabinet  was  "  afraid "  (!)  to  offend 
Germany  and  precipitate  a  crisis. 

Secondly,  the  three  professors,  like  all  others 
of  their  class  in  the  Fatherland,  have  sworn  an 
oath  on  taking  office  not  to  do  anything,  either 
by  word  or  deed,  detrimental  to  the  interests  of 
the  German  State  of  which  they  are  official  members. 
An  ordinary  German  in  writing  on  Germany  may 
be  under  the  subjective  influences  of  his  national 
feelings,  but  a  German  who  has  taken  the  "  Staats- 
eid  "  (oath  to  the  State)  cannot  be  objective  in 
national  questions  and  interests — ^his  oath  leaves 
only  one  course  open  to  him,  and  any  departure 
from  that  course  may  mean  the  loss  of  his  daily 
bread. 

The  author  has  the  greatest  respect  for  the 
achievements  of  German  professors  in  the  domains 
of  science  and  abstract  thought ;  by  those  achieve- 
ments they  have  deservedly  become  famous,  but 
in  all  judgments  where  Germany's  interests  are 
concerned  they  are  bound  hand  and  foot.* 

•  Towards  the  close  of  19 13  I  had  a  conversation  with  half  a  dozen 
Germans  (average  age  twenty-five)  in  Erlangen  Gymnasium  (State 
Secondary  School)  ;  they  were  candidates  in  training  for  the  teaching 
profession,  all  university  men.  I  listened  patiently  to  their  diatribes 
concerning  the  perfidy  of  English  Statesmen,  and  then  pointed  out, 
giving  chapter  and  verse  in  German  biographies,  that  Bismarck's  record 
was  exceedingly  tortuous ;  the  forgery  of  the  Ems  telegram  was  given 
as  an  instance. 

A  few  weeks  later  I  met  the  vice-principal  of  the  school  at  a  private 
party ;  thi.  gentleman  was  a  good  friend  of  mine.  He  reminded  me 
of  the  above  conversation,  and  gave  me  a  friendly  warning  never  again 
to  make  such  statements  to  my  pupils.     The  candidates  had  talked  it 


THE  NEUTRALITY  OF  BELGIUM        195 

When  a  German  conscript  enters  the  army  he 
takes  the  Fahneneid  (oath  on,  and  to,  the  flag), 
which  binds  him  to  defend  the  Fatherland  with 
bayonet  and  bullet.  In  hke  manner  it  may  be 
said  that  German  professors  are  bound  by  the 
Staatseid  either  to  discreet  silence,  or  to  employ 
their  intellectual  pop-guns  in  defending  Germany. 
That  these  pop-guns  fire  colossal  untruths,  in- 
nuendoes, word-twistings,  and  such  like  missiles, 
giving  out  gases  calculated  to  stupefy  and  blind 
honest  judgments,  will  become  painfully  evident 
in  the  course  of  our  considerations. 

That  any  and  every  German  obeys  the  impulse 
to  defend  his  country  is  just  and  praiseworthy; 
but  in  our  search  for  truth  we  are  compelled  to 
note  the  fact  that  German  professors  are  merely 
intellectual  soldiers  fighting  for  Germany.  With- 
out departing  from  the  truth  by  one  jot  or  tittle, 
readers  may  even  call  them  "  outside  clerks  "  of 
the  German  Foreign  Office,  or  the  "  ink-slingers  " 
under  the  command  of  the  German  State. 

over,  and  although  they  had  provoked  the  discussion,  proposed  to  have 
me  reported  to  the  Minister  for  Education  for  uttering  such  opinions. 
The  vice-principal  had  intervened  and  prevented  the  Denunziation. 

If  a  professor  of  history  in  a  German  university  expressed  any  opinion 
in  his  academic  lectures  unfavourable  to  modern  Germany,  he  w^ould 
be  immediately  denunziert  to  the  State  authorities  by  his  own  students. 
Should  he  publish  such  opinions  in  book  form,  of  course  the  process  of 
cashiering  him  would  be  simpler.  Germans  do  not  desire  the  truth  so 
tar  as  their  own  country  is  concerned  ;  they  do  not  will  the  truth  ;  they 
will  Deutschland  uher  alles,  and  all  information,  knowledge,  or  propaganda 
contrary  to  their  will  is  prohibited.  If  space  permitted  I  could 
mention  numerous  cases  in  which  famous  professors  have  been  treated 
like  schoolboys  by  the  German  State — their  stern  father  and  master. 

13* 


196  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

These  premises  have  been  laid  down  in  exUnso 
because  some  fifty  books  will  be  discussed  in  this 
work,  which  emanate  from  German  universities. 
A  neutral  reader  may  retort  :  You  also  are  not 
impartial,  for  you  are  an  Englishman !  Having 
anticipated  the  question,  the  author  ventures  to 
give  an  answer.  If  he  could  make  a  destructive 
attack  on  Britain's  policy — the  attack  would  be 
made  without  the  least  hesitation.  Such  an  attack, 
if  proved  to  the  hilt,  would  bring  any  man  renown, 
and  in  the  worst  case  no  harm.  But  if  a  German 
professor  launched  an  attack,  based  upon  incontro- 
vertible facts,  against  Bethmann-HoUweg  and 
Germany's  policy,  that  professor  would  be  ruined 
in  time  of  peace  and  in  all  probability  imprisoned, 
or  sent  to  penal  servitude  in  time  of  war. 

Nothing  which  the  present  author  could  write 
would  ever  tarnish  the  reputation  of  German 
professors  as  men  of  science,  but  in  the  narrower 
limits  as  historians  of  the  Fatherland  and  propa- 
gandists of  the  Deutschland-uber-alles  gospel  they 
are  tied  with  fetters  for  the  like  of  which  we  should 
seek  in  vain  at  the  universities  of  Great  Britain  or 
America.  It  would  be  in  the  interests  of  truth  and 
impartiality  if  every  German  professor  who  writes 
on  the  "  Causes  of  the  World  War,"  "  England's 
Conspiracy  against  Germany,"  ''  The  Non- 
Existence  of  Belgian  Neutrality,"  and  similar  themes, 
would  print  the  German  Staatseid  on  the  front 
page  of  his  book.  The  text  of  that  oath  would 
materially  assist  his  readers  in  forming  an  opinion 


THE  NEUTRALITY  OF  BELGIUM        197 

regarding  the  trustworthiness  and  impartiaHty  of 
the  professor's  conclusions. 

Professor  Frank  commences  his  historical  sketch 
of  Belgian  neutrality  with  the  year  1632,  when 
Cardinal  Richelieu  proposed  that  Belgium  should 
be  converted  into  an  independent  republic. 
Doubtless  the  desire  to  found  a  buffer  State  in- 
spired Richelieu,  just  as  it  did  the  representatives 
of  Prussia,  Russia,  France,  Austria  and  England 
when  they  drew  up  the  treaty  guaranteeing 
Belgium's  neutrality  in  perpetuity,  at  the  Con- 
ference of  London,  1839. 

But  an  additional  motive  actuated  the  diplo- 
matists of  1839,  "^^^-J  Belgium  was  henceforth  to 
be  the  corner-stone  supporting  the  structure 
commonly  designated  "  the  balance  of  power  in 
Europe." 

An  objection  has  been  made  to  the  validity  of 
the  treaty  signed  in  London,  viz.,  England  herself 
did  not  consider  it  reliable  and  binding,  or  she 
would  not  have  asked  for,  and  obtained,  pledges 
from  both  Prussia  and  France  to  respect  Belgian 
neutrality  in  1870.  Another  objection  is  the  claim 
that  the  German  Empire,  founded  in  1870,  was 
not  bound  by  the  Prussian  signature  attached  to  a 
treaty  in  1839.  Other  writers  have  endeavoured 
to  show  that  the  addition  of  African  territory 
(Congo  Free  State)  to  Belgium  changed  the 
political  status  of  that  country,  exposed  it  to 
colonial  conflicts  with  two  great  colonial  Powers, 
and  thus  tacitly  ended  the  state  of  neutrality. 


IW  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

Each  of  the  professors  in  question  overrides  these 
objections,  and  Frank  remarks,  p.  13  :  "  Lawyers 
and  diplomatists  refuse,  and  rightly  so,  to  accept 
this  view."  Again,  p.  14 :  "  There  is  no  inter- 
national document  in  existence  which  has  cancelled 
Belgian  neutrality." 

Germany's  alleged  violation  of  her  promise  to 
regard  Belgium  as  a  neutral  country  is  justified 
on  quite  other  grounds.  Belgium  had  herself 
violated  her  neutrality  by  a  secret  alliance  with 
France  and  England.  Frank  argues  that  a  neutral 
State  has  certain  duties  imposed  upon  it  in  peace 
time,  and  in  support  of  his  contention  quotes 
Professor  Arendt  (Louvain  University,  1845),  who 
wrote  :  "  A  neutral  State  may  not  conclude  an 
alliance  of  defence  and  offence,  by  which  in  case 
of  war  between  two  other  States  it  is  pledged  to 
help  one  of  them.  Yet  it  is  free  and  possesses  the 
right  to  form  alliances  to  protect  its  neutrality  and 
in  its  own  defence,  but  such  defensive  alliances  can 
only  be  concluded  after  the  outbreak  of  war." 

Another  authority  quoted  to  support  his  point  is 
Professor  Hilty  (University  of  Bern,  1889).  "A 
neutral  State  may  not  conclude  a  treaty  in  advance 
to  protect  its  own  neutrality,  because  by  this  means 
a  protectorate  relationship  would  be  created." 

Frank  continues  (p.  21)  :  "  Hence  Belgian  neu- 
trality was  guaranteed  in  the  interests  of  the  balance 
of  power  in  Europe,  and  I  have  already  pointed  out 
that  the  same  idea  prevailed  when  the  barrier- 
systems  of  1 8 15  and  1818  were  established. 


THE  NEUTRALITY  OF  BELGIUM        199 

"  Considering  the  matter  from  this  point  of  view, 
the  falsity  of  modern  Belgium's  interpretation  at 
once  becomes  apparent.  According  to  Belgian 
official  opinion  her  neutrality  obligations  only  came 
into  force  in  the  event  of  war,  and  therefore  could 
not  be  violated  during  peace.  But  this  balance  of 
power  was  to  be  maintained,  above  all  in  time  of 
peace,  and  might  not  be  disturbed  by  any  peaceful 
negotiations  whatever,  especially  if  these  were 
calculated  to  manifest  themselves  in  either  advan- 
tageous or  prejudicial  form,  in  the  event  of  war. 

"  In  this  category  we  may  place  the  surrender  of 
territory.  No  impartial  thinker  can  deny  that  the 
cession  of  Antwerp  to  England  would  have  been  a 
breach  of  neutrality  on  the  part  of  Belgium,  even 
if  it  had  occurred  in  peace  time.  The  same  is 
true  for  the  granting  of  occupation  rights,  and  land- 
ing places  for  troops,  or  for  the  establishment  of  a 
harbour  which  might  serve  as  a  basis  for  the 
military  or  naval  operations  of  another  State. 

"  Moreover,  it  is  unnecessary  to  exert  one's 
imagination  in  order  to  discover  '  peaceful  nego- 
tiations '  which  are  incompatible  with  permanent 
neutrality,  for  history  offers  us  two  exceedingly 
instructive  examples.  When  a  tariff  union  between 
France  and  Belgium  was  proposed  in  1840,  England 
objected  because  the  plan  was  not  in  accord  with 
Belgian  neutrahty.  Again  in  1868,  when  the 
Eastern  Railway  Company  of  France  sought  to 
obtain  railway  concessions  in  Belgium,  it  was  the 
latter  country  which  refused  its  consent,  and  in  the 


200  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

subsequent  parliamentary  debate  the  step  was 
designated  an  act  of  neutrality." 

From  this  extract  it  is  evident  that  Professor 
Frank  has  undermined  his  own  case.  Belgian 
neutrality  was  intended  by  the  great  powers  to  be 
the  corner-stone  of  the  European  balance  of  power. 
During  the  last  forty  years  Germany's  carefully 
meditated  increase  of  armaments  on  land  and  sea 
threatened  to  dislodge  the  corner-stone.  When 
the  Conference  of  London  declared  Belgium  to 
be  a  permanently  neutral  country,  there  was 
apparent  equality  of  power  on  each  side  of  the  stone. 
In  1870  the  Franco-German  war  showed  that  the 
balance  of  power  was  already  disturbed  at  this 
corner  of  the  European  edifice.  Still  Germany's 
pledged  word  was  considered  sufficient  guarantee 
of  the  status  quo. 

Since  1870  the  potential  energy  on  the  German 
side  of  the  corner-stone  has  increased  in  an  un- 
precedented degree,  and  this  huge  energy  has  been 
consistently  converted  into  concrete  military  and 
naval  forces.  This  alteration  in  the  potential 
status  quo  ante  has  been  partly  the  result  of  natural 
growth,  but  in  a  still  greater  degree,  to  Germany's 
doctrine  that  it  is  only  might  which  counts. 

Another  German  professor*  had  defined  the  posi- 

•  Hermann  Oncken  (Heidelberg),  in  the  Quarterly  Revieto,  October, 
1913.  The  author  of  the  article  charges  Great  Britain  with  screwing 
down  the  valves,  which  is  a  deliberate  distortion  of  the  truth.  Britain 
has  always  opened  her  markets  free  to  German  goods  and  admitted 
the  same  privileges  to  her  rival — so  far  as  these  did  not  run  contrary ^to 
established  rights — in  all  parts  of  the  world.     With  regard  to  territorial 


THE  NEUTRALITY  OF  BELGIUM        201 

tion  in  a  sentence  :  "  Germany  is  a  boiler  charged 
to  danger-point  with  potential  energy.  In  such  a 
case  is  it  a  sound  policy  to  try  to  avert  the  possi- 
bility of  an  explosion  by  screwing  down  all  its 
safety-valves  ?  "  Recognizing  that  Belgian  neu- 
trality has  existed  for  many  years  past  solely  on 
Germany's  good-will,  it  became  the  right  and 
urgent  duty  of  the  other  signatory  powers  to 
endeavour  to  strengthen  the  corner-stone.  Ger- 
many absolutely  refused  to  relax  in  any  way  the 
pressure  which  her  ''  potential  energy  "  was  exer- 
cising at  this  point,  therefore  it  was  necessary  above 
all  for  France  and  Great  Britain  to  bolster  up  the 
threatened  corner. 

The  former  Power  could  have  achieved  this 
purpose  by  building  a  chain  of  huge  fortresses  along 
her  Belgian  frontier.  Why  this  precautionary 
measure  was  never  taken  is  difficult  to  surmise,  but 
had  it  been  taken,  Germany  would  have  ascribed  to 
her  neighbour  plans  of  aggression — and  declared  war. 

Great  Britain  could  have  restored  the  balance 
by  creating  an  army  of  several  millions.  Lord 
Haldane  has  announced  that  the  late  Liberal 
Government  was  "  afraid  "  to  do  this,  although  the 
fear  of  losing  office  may  have  been  greater  than  their 
fear  for  Germany. 

expansion  a  treaty  had  been  drawn  up  between  the  two  Powers  and 
was  ready  to  be  signed  just  when  war  broke  out.  That  treaty  would 
have  afforded  Germany  immense  opportunities  for  expansion,  but  not 
at  the  expense  of  Europe.  Germany,  however,  desired  European  ex- 
pansion, and  according  to  her  accepted  teaching,  the  fate  of  extra- 
European  territories  will  be  decided  on  the  battlefields  of  Europe. 


i02  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

The  measures  which  England  did  take  were 
merely  non-binding  conversations  with  the  military 
authorities  of  France  and  Belgium  ;  the  making 
of  plans  for  putting  a  British  garrison  of  defence 
on  Belgian  territory  in  the  event  of  the  latter's 
neutrality  being  violated  or  threatened  ;  and  the 
printing  of  books  describing  the  means  of  communi- 
cation in  Belgium.* 

As  a  result  of  these  measures,  Belgium  stands 
charged  by  Germany  with  having  broken  her  own 
neutrality,  and  German  writers  are  naively  asking 
why  Belgium  did  not  give  the  same  confidence  to 
Germany  which  she  gave  to  England.  The  Ger- 
man mind  knows  quite  well,  that  in  building 
strategic  railways  to  the  Belgian  frontier  she  be- 
trayed the  line  of  direction  which  the  potential 
energy  was  intended  to  take,  when  the  burst  came. 
Unofficially  Germany  has  long  since  proclaimed  her 
intention  to  invade  Belgium ;  it  was  an  "  open 
secret." 

The  denouement  of  August  4th,  19 14,  when  Bel- 

•  "  Belgium,  Road  and  River  Reports,"  prepared  by  the  General 
Staff,  Vol.  I.,  1912  ;  II.,  1913  ;  III.  &  IV.,  1914.  Copies  of  this  work 
have  been  seized  by  the  Germans  in  Belgium,  and  capital  is  being  made 
of  the  incident  to  prove  a  violation  of  Belgian  neutrality.  If  the  British 
General  Staff  had  nothing  better  to  do  than  to  compile  guide-books  to 
Belgium  for  a  non-existent  British  army,  it  appears  merely  amusing. 
But  if  the  late  Liberal  Government  believed  that  Germany's  potential 
energy  could  be  prevented  from  breaking  through  into  Belgian  terri- 
tory by  a  barricade  of  guide-books — it  was  a  lamentable  error  of  judg- 
ment. On  the  whole  we  are  forced  to  call  it  a  tragical  irony,  that  the 
only  defences  which  Belgium  possessed  against  the  furor  teutonicus — 
excepting  the  Belgian  army — were  a  "  scrap  of  paper  "  and  a  barricade 
of  the  same  material. 


THE  NEUTRALITY  OF  BELGIUM        203 

gian  neutrality  was  declared  a  "  scrap  of  paper,"* 
was  not  the  inspiration  of  a  moment,  nor  a  de- 
cision arrived  at  under  the  pressure  of  necessity, 
but  the  result  of  years  of  military  preparation  and 
planning.  It  had  been  carefully  arranged  that 
the  boiler  should  pour  forth  its  energy  through 
the  Belgian  valve. 

Or  to  draw  another  comparison,  it  is  a  modern 
variety  of  the  wolf  and  the  lamb  fable,  with  this 
difference  :  the  wolf  has  first  of  all  swallowed  the 
lamb,  and  now  excuses  himself  by  asserting  that 
the  traitorous  wretch  had  muddied  the  stream. 

Belgians  were  painfully  aware  of  the  danger 
threatening  them,  and  would  have  made  greater 
efforts  to  protect  themselves,  had  not  their  own 
Social  Democrats  resisted  every  military  proposal. 
As  the  matter  stands  to-day,  however,  all  the  efforts 
which  Belgium  did  make,  are  classed  by  Germany  as 
intrigues  of  the  Triple  Entente,  threatening  her 
(Germany's)  existence,  and  all  the  horrors  which 
have  fallen  upon  this  gallant  "  neutral  "  country 
the  German  Pecksniff  designates  "  Belgium's  Atone- 
ment."! It  is  to  be  feared  that  sooner  or  later, 
unless  Germany's   military    pride    and    unbounded 

•  This  famous  phrase  was  employed  as  far  back  as  1855  ^7  ^  Belgian 
Minister  in  the  House  of  Deputies,  Brussels.  M.  Lebeau  in  pleading 
for  greater  military  preparation  used  these  words :  "  History  has  shown 
what  becomes  of  neutralities  which  were  guaranteed,  by  what  may  be 
termed  a  "  scrap  of  paper." 

t  Belgien's  Siihne,  the  title  of  a  chapter  describing  the  desolation 
and  havoc  of  war,  in  a  book  entitled  "  Mit  dem  Hauptquartier  nach 
Westen,"  by  Heinrich  Binder.     Berlin,  19 15. 


204  WHAT   GERMANY   THINKS 

greed  of  her  neighbour's  goods  can  be  checked, 
German  professors  will  be  engaged  in  the  scientific 
task  of  proving  that  the  waters  of  the  upper  Rhine 
are  unpalatable  because  the  lamb  residing  in  Hol- 
land has  stirred  up  mud  in  the  lower  reaches  of  the 
same  river  ! 

Belgium  knew  that  England  and  France  had  no 
other  interest  than  the  maintenance  of  her  neu- 
trality. Belgium  saw  and  felt,  where  the  storm 
clouds  lowered,  and  probably  sought  or  accepted 
advice  from  those  Powers  who  wished  to  perpetuate 
both  the  territorial  integrity  and  neutrality  of 
Belgium.  Germany's  afterthought  on  the  point 
is  :  "  It  was  Belgium's  duty  to  protect  her  neu- 
trality, and  she  owed  this  duty  to  all  States  alike 
in  the  interests  of  the  balance  of  power — a  concep- 
tion to  which  she  owes  her  existence. 

"  She  was  bound  to  treat  all  the  signatory  Powers 
in  the  same  manner,  but  she  failed  to  do  so,  in  that 
she  permitted  one  or  two  of  them  to  gain  an  insight 
into  her  system  of  defence.  By  this  means  she 
afforded  the  States  admitted  to  her  confidence, 
certain  advantages  which  they  could  employ  for 
their  own  ends  at  any  moment. 

"  By  allowing  certain  of  the  great  Powers  to  see 
her  cards,  Belgium  was  not  supporting  the  European 
balance,  but  seriously  disturbing  it.  Even 
Belgium's  Legation  Secretary  in  Berlin  had  warned 
his  Government  concerning  the  political  dangers 
arising  out  of  intimacy  with  England.  By  revealing 
her  system  of  defence  to  England,  Belgium  destroyed 


THE  NEUTRALITY  OF  BELGIUM        205 

Its  intrinsic  value  and  still  more — she  violated  her 
international  obligations."* 

Considering  that  the  British  army  at  that  time 
was  small,  that  Britain  had  no  idea  of  annexing 
Belgian  territory,  one  naturally  wonders  how  the 
value  of  Belgium's  defence  system  had  been  depre- 
ciated by  conversations  with  British  officers.  In 
effect,  Germany  maintains  that  Belgium  should 
have  behaved  as  a  nonentity,  which  is  contrary 
to  all  reason. 

The  Berlin  Government  has  always  treated  her 
small  neighbour  as  a  sovereign  State,  equal  in 
quality,  though  not  in  power,  to  any  State  in  the 
world.  If  Germany  recognized  Belgium's 
sovereignty,  why  should  not  England  do  the  same, 
and,  above  all,  why  had  Belgium  no  right  to  think 
of  her  self-preservation,  when  she  knew  the  danger 
on  her  eastern  frontier  grew  more  menacing  month 
by  month  ? 

Frank  concludes  his  dissertation  with  his  opinion 
of  England  and  quotes  Thucydides,  V.,  105,  as 
the  best  appHcable  characterization  of  the  British 
with  which  he  is  acquainted.  "  Among  themselves, 
indeed,  and  out  of  respect  for  their  traditional 
constitution,  they  prove  to  be  quite  decent.  As 
regards  their  treatment  of  foreigners,  a  great  deal 
might  be  said,  yet  we  will  try  to  express  it  in  brief. 
Among  all  whom  we  know  they  are  the  most  brazen 
in  declaring  what  is  good  to  be  agreeable,  and  what 
is  profitable  to  be  just." 

•  Professor  Frank's  work,  pp.  29-30. 


206  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

The  very  offence  which  Germany  accuses  England 
of  having  premeditated,  she  committed  herself 
many  years  before.  When  France  seemed  to 
threaten  Belgium's  existence,  King  Leopold  I. 
concluded  a  secret  treaty*  with  the  king  of  Prussia, 
whereby  the  latter  was  empowered  to  enter  Belgium 
and  occupy  fortresses  in  case  of  France  becoming 
dangerous.  The  French  danger  passed  away,  and  its 
place  was  taken  by  a  more  awful  menace — the  pres- 
sure of  German  potential  energy ;  and  when  Belgium 
in  turn  opened  her  heart  (this  is  the  unproved  accu- 
sation which  Germany  makes  to-day — Author)  to 
England,  then  she  has  violated  her  neutrality  and 
undermined  the  balance  of  power. t  There  is 
even  a  suspicion  that  Leopold  IL  renewed  this 
treaty  with  Germany  in  1890,  in  spite  of  the  fact 
that  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  Prince  de 
Chimay,  in  an  official  speech  denied  its  existence. 

Professor  Schoenborn's  essay  on  Belgian  neu- 
traHty  is  the  least  satisfactory  exposition  of  the  three 
professorial  effusions ;  it  is  no  credit  to  a  man  of 
learning,  and  is  merely  the  work  of  an  incapable 
partisan  trying  to  make  a  bad  cause  into  a  good  one. 
Schoenborn     commences!     with     the     customary 

•  Germans  love  anything  which  is  "  secret."  "  Geheimniskramerei  " 
("  affectation  of  mysteriousness  and  secrecy  ")  is  a  national  and  individual 
characteristic  of  the  German  people. — Author. 

t  Karl  Hampe :  "  Belgiens  Vergangenheit  und  Gcgenwart " 
(*'  Belgium  Past  and  Present  "),  p.  49. 

X  "  Deutschland  und  der  Weltkrieg  "  ("  Germany  and  the  World 
War  "),  pp.  566-8. 


THE  NEUTRALITY  OF  BELGIUM        207 

German  tactics  by  stating  that  Bethmann-Hollweg's 
"  scrap-of-paper  "  speech,  and  von  Jagow's  (German 
Secretary  of  State)  explanations  to  the  Belgian 
representative  in  Berlin  on  August  3rd,  1914, 
are  of  no  importance  in  deciding  the  justice  of 
Germany's  violation  of  her  pledged  word.  One 
is  led  to  inquire.  When  is  a  German  utterance — 
whether  given  in  the  Reichstag  by  the  Chancellor 
or  on  paper  in  the  form  of  a  treaty — final  and 
binding  ? 

Subterfuges,  insinuations,  distortions,  even  brazen 
falsehoods,  are  scattered  throughout  German  war 
literature,  thicker  "  than  Autumnal  leaves  in 
Vallombrosa's  brook."  It  is  to  be  feared  that 
just  as  Germans  have  lied  for  a  century  to  prove 
that  the  English  were  annihilated  at  the  battle  of 
Waterloo,  and  for  over  forty  years  to  show  that 
Bismarck  was  not  a  forger,  so  they  will  lie  for 
centuries  to  come  in  order  to  prove  that  the  invasion 
of  Belgium  was  not  what  Bethmann-Hollweg  called 
it,  a  "  breach  of  international  law." 

Like  his  confreres^  Herr  Schoenborn  admits  that 
Germany  was  pledged  to  respect  the  neutrality  of 
Belgium,  but  the  said  neutrality  was  non-existent, 
which  appears  somewhat  paradoxical.  Yet  this  is 
not  the  least  logical  part  of  his  case.  "  The  passage 
of  German  troops  through  Belgium  was  indispen- 
sable in  the  interests  of  the  preservation  of  the 
German  Empire.  A  successful  resistance  to  the 
annihilation-plans  which  our  enemies  had  wrought 
for    our    downfall    seemed    possible    only    by    this 


208  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

means.  The  Government  regretted  that,  by  so 
doing,  we  should  commit  a  formal  infringement  of 
the  rights  of  a  third  State  (Belgium),  and  promised 
to  make  all  possible  compensation  for  the  trans- 
gression. 

"  The  judicial  point  of  view  which  influenced 
the  decision  of  the  German  Government  is  per- 
haps, best  illustrated  by  a  parallel  taken  from  the 
ordinary  laws  of  the  country  :  A  forester  (game- 
keeper) is  attacked  by  a  poacher,  and  in  that  same 
moment  perceives  a  second  poacher  bearing  a  gun 
at  full-cock,  creeping  into  a  strange  house  in  order 
to  obtain  a  better  shot  at  the  forester.  Just  as  he 
is  about  to  enter  the  house  the  forester  breaks  the 
door  open  and  thus  forestalls  him — ^in  order  to 
surprise  and  overcome  him.  The  forester  is  justified 
in  taking  this  step,  but  must  make  good  all  damage 
resulting  to  the  householder."* 

The  instance  holds  good  in  the  land  of  Kultur, 
where  law  and  order  affords  so  little  protection 
to  a  civiHan  and  his  property ;  but  in  countries 
where  laws  are  based  upon  culture  the  author 
believes  that  the  forester  would  receive  condign 
punishment  for  breaking  into  another  man's  house, 
no  matter  under  what  pretext.  Unconsciously  the 
learned  professor  is  humorous  when  he  compares 
Germany  to  a  gamekeeper  and  Russia  and  France 
to  poachers ;  but  he  is  naive  to  a  degree  of  stupidity, 
when  he  makes  France  carry  a  weapon  fully  prepared 
to  shoot  the  forester. 

•  Ibid.,  p.  575. 


THE  NEUTRALITY  OF  BELGIUM        209 

We  will  consult  another  German  authority  to 
show  that  France's  weapons  were  not  at  full- 
cock. 

"  During  the  last  ten  years  France  has  given 
special  attention  to  the  fortresses  on  the  German 
frontier.  But  those  facing  Belgium  have  been 
so  carelessly  equipped  that  we  see  clearly  to  what  a 
degree  she  relied  upon  her  neighbour.  The  forts 
are  in  the  same  condition  as  they  were  twenty  or 
thirty  years  ago.  As  some  of  these  fortifications 
were  built  fifty  years  ago,  various  points  on  the 
frontier  are  strategically,  absolutely  useless. 

"  A  typical  example  of  this,  is  Fort  les  Ayvelles, 
which  is  intended  to  protect  the  bridges  and 
Meuse  crossings  south  of  Mezieres-Charleville ; 
the  fort  was  levelled  to  the  ground  by  300  shots 
from  our  21 -centimetre  howitzers.  It  was 
built  in  1878  and  armed  with  forty  cannon  ;  of 
these  the  principal  weapons  consisted  of  two 
batteries  each  containing  six  9-centimetre  cannon, 
which,  however,  were  cast  in  the  years  1 878-1 880, 
and  in  the  best  case  could  only  carry  4,000  yards. 
Then  there  were  some  12-centimetre  bronze 
pieces  cast  in  1884,  and  a  few  five-barrelled  revolver 
cannon. 

"  Besides  these  there  were  old  howitzers  from  the 
year  1842  ;  muzzle-loaders  with  the  characteristic 
pyramids  of  cannon  ball  by  the  side,  such  as  are 
often  used  in  Germany  at  village  festivals  or  to  fire 
a  salute.  The  fort  itself  was  a  perfect  picture  of 
the    obsolete    and    out-of-date.     Apart    from    the 

14 


210  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

crude,  primitive  equipment,  the  organization  must 
have  been  faulty  indeed. 

"  On  the  road  leading  up  to  the  fort  we  saw  some 
tree-branches  which  had  been  hurriedly  placed 
as  obstacles,  and  higher  up  wire  entanglements 
had  been  commenced  at  the  last  moment.  At 
least  one  battery  was  useless,  for  the  field  of  fire 
was  cut  off  by  high  trees,  and  at  the  last  minute 
the  garrison  had  tried  to  place  the  guns  in  a  better 
position. 

"  Our  artillery  which  fired  from  a  north-westerly 
position  displayed  a  precision  of  aim  which  is  rare. 
One  battery  had  had  nearly  every  gun  put  out  of 
action  by  clean  hits.  In  several  cases  we  saw  the 
barrel  of  the  gun  yards  away  from  its  carriage, 
and  only  a  heap  of  wheels,  earth,  stones,  etc.,  marked 
the  place  where  it  had  stood. 

"Another  proof  of  the  excellent  work  done  by 
the  artillery,  was  the  fact  that  hardly  a  shell  had 
struck  the  earth  in  the  500  yards  from  the 
battery  to  the  fort.  After  the  former  had  been 
disposed  of,  the  artillery  fire  was  concentrated  on 
the  fort,  which  was  reduced  to  a  heap  of  rubbish. 
The  stonework  and  the  high  walls — yards  thick — 
had  tumbled  to  pieces  like  a  child's  box  of  bricks. 

"  A  garrison  of  900  men  had  been  placed  in 
this  useless  cage,  and  they  had  fled  almost  at  the 
first  shot.  Instead  of  putting  these  men  in 
trenches,  their  superiors  had  put  them  at  this 
*  lost  post '  and  allowed  them  to  suffer  the  moral 
effects  of  a  complete,  inevitable  defeat. 


THE  NEUTRALITY  OF  BELGIUM        211 

"  Near  the  fort  I  saw  the  grave  of  its  commander, 
the  unfortunate  man  who  had  witnessed  the 
hopeless  struggle.  He  lived  to  see  his  men 
save  their  Hves  in  wild  flight — and  then  ended  his 
own."* 

Here  we  have  a  sorry  picture  of  the  poacher 
whom  Germany  feared  so  much.  The  world 
knows  now  that  neither  Britain,  France  nor  Russia 
were  prepared  for  war,  which  excludes  the  pro- 
bability that  they  desired  or  provoked  a  conflict. 
But  Germany  knew  that,  and  much  more,  in  the 
month  of  July,  19 14.  Bethmann-Hollweg  when 
addressing  the  Reichstag  drew  a  terrifying  picture 
of  French  armiesf  standing  ready  to  invade  Bel- 
gium, but  he  knew  full  well  that  the  necessary 
base-fortresses  were  lacking  on  the  Franco-Belgian 
frontier. 

As  regards  the  alleged  plans  which  Germany's 
enemies  had  made  to  annihilate  Germany,  it  will 
be  necessary  for  Professor  Schoenborn  to  prove 
that  the  Entente  Powers  had :  (i.)  Caused  the 
murder  in  Serajewo ;  (2.)  Despatched  the  ulti- 
matum to  Serbia ;  (3.)  Prepared  themselves  for 
war.     Until  he  proves  these  three  points  the  world 

•  Heinrich  Binder :  "  Mit  dem  Hauptquartier  nach  Westen," 
pp.  107-9. 

t  Richard  Grasshoff  in  his  work  "  Belgian's  Schuld "  ("  Belgium's 
Guilt "),  p.  14  et  seq.^  reproduces  several  confessions  alleged  to  have 
been  made  by  French  soldiers,  prisoners  of  war  in  Germany,  stating 
that  they  entered  Belgian  territory  on  July  31st,  1914.  At  present  it 
is  impossible  to  test  the  value  of  this  evidence.     Cf.  p.  151. 

14* 


212  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

will  continue  to  believe  that  it  was  Germany  alone 
who  cherished  "  annihilation-plans." 

Schoenborn  mentions  too,  Britain's  refusal  to 
promise  her  neutrality  even  if  Germany  respected 
the  neutrality  of  Belgium.  This  offer  was  made 
to  Sir  Edward  Grey,  who  decHned  it.  According 
to  Professor  Schoenborn  Germany's  final  decision 
to  invade  Belgium  was  only  taken  after  that 
refusal.  It  is  a  striking  example  of  the  immorality 
which  prevails  both  in  Germany's  business  and 
poHtical  life.  She  gave  her  solemn  pledge  in 
1839,  yet  endeavoured  to  sell  the  same  pledge 
in  191 4 — for  Britain's  neutrality  ! 

The  author  once  made  an  agreement  with  a 
German,  but  soon  found  that  the  arrangement 
was  ignored  and  wrote  to  the  person  in  question  : 
"  You  have  employed  our  arrangement  merely  as 
a  means  for  making  further  incursions  into  my 
rights." 

That  summarizes  the  Teutonic  conception 
of  a  treaty,  either  private  or  national.  It  is 
only  a  wedge  with  which  to  broaden  the  way 
for  a  further  advance.  Usually  a  man  signs  an 
agreement  with  an  idea  of  finality,  and  looks  forward 
to  freedom  from  further  worry  in  the  matter.  Not 
so  the  German  ;  with  him  it  is  an  instrument  to 
obtain,  or  blackmail,  further  concessions ;  and  as 
individuals,  instead  of  occupying  their  thoughts 
and  energies  in  the  faithful  fulfilment  of  its  terms, 
they  plot  and  plan  in  the  pursuit  of  ulterior 
advantages. 


THE  NEUTRALITY  OF  BELGIUM       218 

Heidelberg's  great  scholar  seems  to  have  had 
doubts  concerning  his  simile  of  the  gamekeeper  ; 
hence  in  his  last  footnote  he  makes  the  innocuous 
remark :  "  Because  the  house-breaking  game- 
keeper fired  the  first  shot,  it  is  not  usual  to  draw 
the  conclusion  that  the  poacher  had  only  defensive 
intentions  "  (p.  590). 

All  in  all,  Professor  Schoenborn's  attempt  at 
partisanship  is  a  miserable  failure,  and  as  an 
academic  thesis  it  is  doubtful  whether  the  faculty 
of  law  in  any  German  university  would  grant  a 
student  a  degree  for  such  a  crude  effort. 

Various  facts  indicate  Germany's  intention  to 
annex  Belgium,  if  not  the  entire  country,  then  those 
districts  in  which  Flemish  is  spoken.  Germany 
has  suddenly  remembered  that  the  Flemings  are 
a  Low  German  people  and  that  they  have  been 
"  oppressed  "  by  the  Walloons.  The  hypocrisy 
of  the  plea  becomes  evident  when  we  recall  German 
(including  Austrian)  oppression  of  the  Poles,  Slavs 
and  Hungarians. 

One  writer*  has  even  endeavoured  to  prove 
that  the  House  of  Hesse  has  a  legitimate  historical 
claim  to  the  province  of  Brabant.  But  as  the 
following  extracts  will  show,  there  is  method  in 
this  madness.  No  pains  are  being  spared  to  stir 
up  racial  feehng  between  the  two  peoples  (Flemings 
and  Walloons)  who  form  King  Albert's  subjects. 
All   the  internal   differences   are   being   dished   up 

♦  Dr.  Karl  Knetsch  :  "  Des  Hauses  Hessen  Anspruche  auf  Brabant  " 
("The  House  of  Hesse's  Claims  to  Brabant").     Marburg,  191 5. 


214  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

to  convince  the  inhabitants  of  Flanders  that  they 
will  be  much  better  off  under  the  German  heel.* 

Forgetting  their  tyrannous  efforts  to  stamp  out 
the  Polish  language  and  Polish  national  feelings, 
the  Germans  are  now  sorrowing  over  the  alleged 
attempts  of  the  Walloons  to  suffocate  the  Flemish 
dialect.  German  war  books  breathe  hate  and  con- 
tempt for  the  Walloons,  but  bestow  clumsy  bear- 
like caresses  (no  doubt  unwelcome  to  their  re- 
cipients) on  the  Flemings. 

In  a  workt  already  cited  the  following  passages 
occur,  in  addition  to  three  whole  chapters  intended 
to  supply  historical  proof  that  Flanders  is  by 
the  very  nature  of  things  a  part  of  the  German 
Empire. 

"  The  German  people  committed  a  grave  crime, 
when  they  fought  among  themselves  and  left 
their  race-brothers  on  the  frontier,  defenceless 
and  at  the  mercy  of  a  foreign  Power.  Therefore 
we  have  no  right  to  scold  these  brothers  (the 
Flemings),  but  should  rather  fetch  them  back  into 
the  German  fold  "  (p.  40). 

•  The  Munchner  Neueste  Nachricbten  for  September  19th,  19 15, 
contains  a  long  account  of  a  petition  which  was  presented  to  Herr  von 
Bissing,  General  Governor  of  Belgium,  by  a  branch  of  the  General 
Union  of  the  Netherlands.  The  branch  society  is  in  Lierre  (a  town 
occupied  by  the  Germans),  and  the  petition  is  a  statement  of  Flemish 
national  and  language  aspirations.  Unfortunately  the  document  in 
question  "  makes  a  bitter  attack  on  Franco-Belgian  endeavours  to  rob 
the  Flemings  of  their  rights."  It  is  superfluous  to  quote  more ;  this 
sentence  alone  shows  the  origin  of  the  petition  to  be  German. 

t  Wilhehn  Kotzde  :  "  Von  Liittich  bis  Flandern  "  ("  From  Lidge 
nto  Flanders").    Weimar,  1914. 


THE  NEUTRALITY  OF  BELGIUM       215 

Kotzde  reports  a  conversation  which  he  had 
with  an  educated  Fleming  last  autumn.  "  '  We 
do  not  like  the  French  and  English,'  said  the 
Fleming.  '  But  what  about  Brussels  ?  '  I  remarked. 
'  They  are  a  people  for  themselves.  The  Flemish 
capital  is  Antwerp  '  he  answered. 

"  Our  paths  led  in  different  directions,  but  we 
parted  with  the  consciousness  that  we  are  tribal 
brothers.  So  much  seems  certain,  that  when  the 
Flemings  are  freed  from  the  embittering  influence 
of  the  Walloons  and  French,  then  this  Low  Ger- 
man tribe  will  again  learn  to  love  everything 
German — because  they  are  German.  Further- 
more, that  will  make  an  end  of  the  French  language 
in  Flemish  districts  "  (p.  84). 

"  German  infantry  marched  with  us  into 
Antwerp.  How  deeply  it  touched  me  to  hear 
them  sing  the  '  Wacht  am  Rhein '  and  then 
'  Deutschland,  Deutschland  uber  alles,'  in  the 
very  city  which  was  to  serve  as  an  English  base 
for  operations  against  our  dear  Fatherland.  And 
my  Flemish  companion  softly  hummed  this 
splendid  German  song  of  faith. 

"  In  that  moment  a  spasm  of  pain  went  through 
my  heart,  that  the  Flemings  should  have  to  fight 
against  us  in  this  great  struggle  for  the  existence 
of  Germany  :  these,  our  lost  brothers,  of  whom 
so  many  yearn  to  be  with  us  again  "  (p.  86). 

"  With  the  fall  of  Antwerp,  Flanders — the  land 
of  the  German  Hanse  period,  of  Ghent,  Ypres  and 
Bruges — became  German  once  more  "  (p.  147). 


21«  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

Kotzde  concludes  his  work  as  follows  : — 

"  Holland  was  compelled  to  bow  before  the 
might  of  France  and  consent  to  Belgium  becoming 
an  independent  State.  From  that  moment  the 
Flemings,  cut  off  in  every  way  from  their  German 
brothers,  were  delivered  up  to  the  Walloons, 
behind  whom  stood  the  French. 

"  The  Germans  at  that  time  lacked  a  Bismarck 
to  unite  them  and  interest  them  in  the  fate  of 
their  outlying  brother  tribe.  This  war  has  freed 
our  hands,  which  hitherto  had  been  bound  by  the 
dictates  of  conscience.  Of  himself  the  German 
would  never  have  kindled  this  world  conflagration, 
but  others  have  hurled  the  torch  into  our  abode — 
and  our  hands  are  free  ! 

"  We  do  not  yet  know  what  Belgium's  fate  will 
be,  but  we  can  be  perfectly  sure  that  the  Flemings 
will  never  again  be  left  to  the  mercy  of  the  Walloons 
and  French.  They  have  had  a  wild  and  chequered 
history  ;  and  although  they  have  often  shown  signs 
of  barbarism  in  the  fight,  they  have  not  waged 
this  war  with  the  devilish  cruelty  of  the  Walloons. 

"  They  lack  the  discipline  which  alone  a  well- 
ordered  State  can  bestow.  The  training  and 
education  of  the  German  military  system  and 
German  administration,  will  be  a  blessing  to  them. 
Even  to-day  many  Flemings  bless  the  hour  of  their 
return  into  the  German  paternal  home  "  (p.  190). 

"  In  a  struggle  which  has  lasted  for  nearly  a 
century,  the  Flemings  have  displayed  their  un- 
conquerable   will     to     maintain     their     national 


THE  NEUTRALITY  OF  BELGIUM       217 

peculiarities.  Without  outside  aid,  and  with  little 
or  no  deterioration,  they  have  maintained  their 
nationalism.  Now  the  horrors  of  war  have  swept 
over  the  lands  of  the  Flemings  and  Walloons. 
The  Belgian  army,  consisting  of  65  per  cent. 
Flemings,  has  been  decimated  by  German  arms. 
North  and  south  of  the  Meuse  a  wicked  harvest 
of  hate  has  sprung  up.  But  the  most  remarkable 
point  is  that  this  hate  is  not  directed  against  the 
Germans  alone ;  the  mutual  dislike  of  Flemings 
and  Walloons  has  turned  into  hatred.  The  Wal- 
loons cherish  bitter  suspicions  of  the  Flemings; 
they  scent  the  racial  German,  and  are  promising 
that  after  the  war  they  will  wage  a  life  and 
death  feud  against  the  German  part  of  the 
Flemish  nature."* 

The  same  writer  claims  that  the  Germans  had 
conquered  Antwerp  before  its  fall,  by  peaceful 
penetration.  "  In  1880  the  British  share  of 
Antwerp's  trade  was  56  per  cent.,  Germany's 
9  per  cent. ;  in  1900,  British  48  per  cent.,  German 
23^  per  cent.  Not  only  had  the  British  flag  been 
beaten  in  percentages  but  also  in  absolute  figures ; 
in  the  year  1912-1913  German  trade  to  Antwerp 
increased  by  400,000  tons,  while  that  of  Great 
Britain  decreased  by  200,000  tons.  The  com- 
mercial future  of  Antwerp  will  be  German  !  "t 

*'  To-day   Antwerp    is    the   second   largest   port 

•  Ulrich  Rau«cher  :  "  Belgien  heute  vmd  morgen "  ("  Belgium 
to-day  and  to-morrow  ").     Leipzig,  191 5  ;  p.  35. 

t  Ibid.,  p.  64.  


218  WHAT   GERMANY   THINKS 

on  the  Continent,  with  over  400,000  inhabitants, 
and  now  Germany's  war  banner  waves  above  its 
cathedral.  Germany's  maritime  flag  has  waved 
during  the  last  twenty  years  above  Antwerp's 
commercial  progress.  Antwerp's  progress  was 
German  progress."* 

After  which  follows  a  glowing  account  of  Bel- 
gium's mineral  wealth.  "  It  is  Belgium's  mission 
to  be  a  gigantic  factory  for  the  rest  of  the  world," 
and  of  course  this  mission  v^ll  be  directed  by — 
Germany  ! 

"  Those  who  had  warned  us  for  years  past  that 
England  is  our  greatest  enemy  were  right.  To-day 
every  German  recognizes  who  is  our  principal 
opponent  in  this  world  war.  Against  Russia  and 
France  we  fight,  as  the  poet  expresses  it,  '  with 
steel  and  bronze,  and  conclude  a  peace  some  time 
or  other.'  But  against  England  we  wage  war 
with  the  greatest  bitterness  and  such  an  awful 
rage,  as  only  an  entire  and  great  people  in  their 
holy  wrath  can  feel.  The  words  of  Lissauer's 
*  Hymn  of  Hate  '  were  spoken  out  of  the  inner- 
most depths  of  every  German  soul. 

"  When  Hindenburg  announces  a  new  victory 
we  are  happy  ;  when  our  front  in  the  Argonne 
advances  we  are  satisfied ;  when  our  faithful 
Landsturm  beats  back  a  French  attack  in  the 
Vosges,  it  awakes  a  pleasurable  pride  in  our  breasts. 
But  when  progress  is  announced  in  Flanders,  when 
a  single  square  yard  of  earth  is  captured  by  our 
•  Ibid.,  p.  68. 


THE  NEUTRALITY  OF  BELGIUM       219 

brave  troops  in  the  Ypres  district,  then  all  Germany- 
is  beside  herself  with  pure  joy.  The  seventy- 
millions  know  only  too  well,  that  everything 
depends  upon  the  development  of  events  in 
Flanders,  as  to  when  and  how,  we  shall  force 
England  to  her  knees. 

"  Hence  of  all  the  fields  of  war,  Belgium  is  the 
most  familiar  to  us,  and  we  love  best  of  all  to  hear 
news  from  that  quarter.  May  God  grant  that  in 
the  peace  negotiations  we  shall  hear  much  more 
and  good  tidings  about  Flanders.'"'" 

Dr.  Mittelmann's  book  is  a  prose-poem  in  praise 
of  Germany's  ineffable  greatness.  He  sees  in  the 
present  war,  "  a  holy  struggle  for  Germany's 
might  and  future,"  and  like  all  his  compatriots, 
makes  no  mention  of  Austria.  If  the  Central 
Powers  should  be  victorious,  there  is  no  doubt  that 
Germany  would  seize  the  booty.  In  justifying 
the  destruction  of  churches,  cathedrals,  etc.,  Herr 
Mittelmann  asserts  that  "  one  single  German 
soldier  is  of  more  worth  than  all  the  art  treasures 
of  our  enemies  "  (p.  12). 

His  book  deserves  to  be  read  by  all  Britishers 
who  imagine  that  we  can  win  Germany's  love  and 
respect — by  weakness  and  compromise.  "  In  this 
war  Germans  and  English  soldiers  are  opposed  to 
each  other  for  the  first  time.     All  the  scorn  and 


•  Dr.  Fritz  Mittelmann :  "  Kreuz  und  Quer  durch  Belgien " 
("Round  and  about  Belgium").  Stettin,  1915:  p.  8.  Dr.  Mittelmann 
is  a  personal  friend  of  the  Liberal  leader,  Herr  Bassermann,  who 
accompanied  him  on  some  of  his  journeys. 


820  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

hate  which  had  accumulated  for  years  past  in  the 
German  nation  has  now  broken  loose  with  volcanic 
force.  Whoever  assumes  that  the  English  were 
ever  other  than  what  they  are — is  wrong.  They 
have  never  had  ideals,  and  seek  singly  and  alone 
their  own  profit.  Whenever  they  have  fought  side 
by  side  with  another  nation  against  a  common 
foe,  they  have  done  their  best  to  weaken  their 
ally  and  reap  all  the  glory  and  advantage  for 
themselves."* 

Pity  for  the  Belgians  suffering  through  Germany's 
brutal  war  of  aggression  does  not  appear  to  be 
one  of  Dr.  Mittelmann's  weaknesses.  "  The 
principal  industrial  occupation  of  the  inhabitants 
seems  at  present  to  be  begging.  In  spite  of  their 
hostile  glances  the  crowd  did  not  hesitate  to  gather 
round  as  we  entered  our  car,  and  quite  a  hundred 
greedy  hands  were  stretched  towards  us  for  alms. 
But  in  Liege,  without  the  shadow  of  a  doubt  the 
best  of  all  was  the  magnificent  Burgundy  which 
we  drank  there ;  perhaps  we  had  never  relished 
wine  so  much  in  our  lives."!  One  wonders  whether 
these  pioneers  of  Kultur  relished  the  wine  so  much 
because  they  knew  themselves  to  be  surrounded 
by  thousands  of  hungry,  "  greedy  "  Belgians. 

On  page  93,  Mittelmann  relates  at  length  his 
genuine  Prussian  joy  at  humiliating  a  Belgian 
pohceman  before  the  latter's  compatriots.  None 
enjoy  having  their  boots  licked,  so  much  as  those  who 
are  accustomed  to  perform  that  service  for  others. 

•  Ibid.,  p.  29.  t  Ibid.,  p.  44. 


THE  NEUTRALITY  OF  BELGIUM       221 

Our  author  pays  the  customary  compliments 
to  the  Flemings.  It  must  be  remembered  that  the 
above  incident  took  place  in  Liege  among  the 
Walloons,  but  it  would  seem  that  the  Germans 
try  to  behave  with  decency  when  among  their 
Low  German  brothers. 

"  One  feels  at  home  in  the  house  of  a  Flemish 
peasant ;  the  racial  relationship  tends  to  home- 
liness. The  painful  cleanliness  of  the  white- 
washed cottages  makes  a  pleasant  contrast  to  the 
homes  of  the  Walloons.  War  and  politics  are 
never  mentioned,  as  these  delicate  subjects  would 
prevent  a  friendly  understanding."* 

"  A  dream.  An  old  German  dream.  A  land 
full  of  quaintness  which  the  rush  of  modern  life 
has  left  untouched.  On  all  sides  cleanliness  and 
order  which  makes  the  heart  beat  gladly.  And  this 
joyful  impression  is  doubly  strong  when  one 
comes  direct  from  the  dirty,  disorderly  villages  of 
the  Walloons. 

"  Just  as  a  mother  may  give  birth  to  two  children 
with  entirely  different  natures,  so  Belgium  affords 
hearth  and  home  to  two  peoples  in  whose  language, 
culture  and  customs  there  is  neither  similarity  nor 
harmony.  The  Flemings  are  absolutely  German, 
and  in  this  war  they  treat  us  with  friendly  confi- 
dence. Their  eyes  do  not  glitter  with  fanatical 
hate  like  those  of  the  Walloons. "t 

•  Ibid.,  p.  90. 

t  Heinrich     Binder :     "  Mit    dem    Hauptquartier    nach    Westen," 
p.    102. 


222  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

Herr  Binder's  meditations  on  the  slaughter  in 
the  valley  of  the  Meuse  are  not  without  interest. 
"  A  vale  v^hich  has  been  won  by  German  blood  ! 
In  recent  days  the  waters  of  the  Meuse  have  often 
flowed  blood-red.  Many  a  warrior  has  sunk  into 
these  depths.  Longing  and  hope  rise  in  our 
hearts  :  May  destiny  determine  that  all  these 
dead,  after  a  triumphant  war,  shall  sleep  at  rest 
in  a  German  valley  !  "* 

•  Ibid.,  p.  122, 


CHAPTER  X 


IT  would  be  superfluous  to  review  here  tlie 
history  of  Franco-German  relations  during 
the  last  half  century  ;  other  writers  have  already 
performed  the  task.  Yet  the  whole  trend  of 
development  in  the  relations  between  the  two 
powerful  neighbours  may  be  defined  by  two  watch- 
words :  saigner  a  hlanc  in  Germany,  and  the 
revanche  iS.ee  in  France.  But  there  is  this  differ- 
ence :  the  former  has  become  ever  more  and  more, 
and  the  latter  less  and  less,  a  factor  in  European 
politics. 

While  the  German  nation  has  been  gradually 
and  systematically  leavened  with  the  teaching  that 
might  alone  is  right,  the  French  revenge  party 
has  been  weakened  year  by  year  by  national  pros- 
perity, colonial  expansion  and  the  growth  of  a 
powerful  anti-military  party.  Whatever  may  be 
said  of  French  chauvinists,  this  much  remains  an 

•  "  To  bleed  white."  Bismarck  employed  this  phrase  on  two  occa- 
sions in  addressing^theTReichstag  ;  his  purpose  could  have  been  no 
other  than  to  bully  France. — Author. 

223 


224  WHAT   GERMANY  THINKS 

immovable  fact — the  party  was  incapable  of  pro- 
viding adequate  national  defences  against  the 
Germanic  neighbour,  while  plans  of  reconquest 
can  only  be  assigned  to  the  domain  of  myths. 

On  every  occasion  that  the  revanche  cry  has 
been  resuscitated,  the  direct  cause  is  to  be  sought 
in  Germany.  Having  displaced  France  in  1870 
from  her  position  of  the  first  military  power  in 
Europe,  Germany  has  endeavoured  by  fair  and 
foul  means  to  prevent  her  neighbour  from  again 
raising  her  head,  and  that  policy  alone  is  to  blame 
for  the  suspicion  and  hatred  which  have  marked 
Franco-German  relations  during  the  whole  period 
and  plunged  Europe  into  an  era  of  armaments, 
ending  in  a  world  war.  England  and  Russia 
prevented  Bismarck  from  annihilating  France  in 
1875,  an  incident  which  aroused  justified  fear 
throughout  France  and  gave  an-  impulse  to  the 
revenge  party. 

In  1 88 1  the  Iron  Chancellor  told  the  French 
Ambassador  :  "  Outside  Europe  you  can  do  what 
you  like."  Bismarck's  intention  was  to  divert 
reviving  French  energies  to  colonial  work,  and  if 
possible  involve  her  in  conflicts  with  the  other 
colonizing  Powers.  In  both  of  these  plans  he 
succeeded,  but  the  common  sense  and  loyalty 
of  Great  Britain  and  Italy  prevented  the  conflicts 
from  assuming  a  dangerous  form — war — as  desired 
by  the  Government  in  Berlin. 

As  soon  as  the  latter  perceived  that  French 
genius    and    persistency  were    bearing    fruit    in    a 


SAIGNER  A  BLANC  225 

magnificent  colonial  empire,  the  innate  jealousy 
and  greed  of  the  German  nation  led  to  a  policy  of 
colonial  pinpricks  on  the  part  of  the  Kaiser's 
Government.  This  seems  the  most  probable  ex- 
planation of  Germany's  attitude  during  the  last 
decade  before  1914.  The  natural  consequence 
was  that  those  powers  which  had  most  to  fear 
through  German  ill-will  were  welded  together 
more  firmly  in  a  policy  of  self-protection. 

Germany  cannot,  or  will  not,  recognize  that  the 
causes  of  the  above-mentioned  development  are 
to  be  found  solely  and  alone  in  her  own  actions. 
On  the  contrary,  she  designates  the  "  consequences  " 
a  world-wide  conspiracy  against  German  interests. 
In  naval  affairs  she  adopts  the  same  naive  line  of 
argument.  First  and  foremost  Germany  com- 
mitted herself  to  a  policy  of  unlimited — even 
provocative — naval  expansion.  When  the  Power 
most  concerned — Great  Britain — took  precaution- 
ary measures  to  guarantee  British  interests  in  view 
of  Germany's  "  peaceful  "  development,  then  the 
latter  Power  declared  the  consequences  of  her  own 
actions  to  be  a  hostile  initiative  directed  against 
her. 

A  defence  of  this  kind  may  be  convincing  for 
those  who  observe  events  in  the  German  per- 
spective, but  it  will  be  unable  to  v^thstand  im- 
partial historical  criticism.  Boxers  expect  a 
rebound  when  they  "  punch  the  ball,"  but  none 
of  them  would  be  so  foolish  as  to  deny  having 
delivered  a  blow  when  the    rebound   takes  place. 

15 


226  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

Yet  that  is  the  unscientific  defence  which  Ger- 
many has  adopted  in  her  endeavours  to  explain 
away  her  aggressive  attitude  to  Belgium,  France, 
and  Great  Britain. 

In  a  word,  the  principles  underlying  saigner  a 
hlanc  have  grown  during  the  past  four  decades  into  a 
possible  avalanche  possessing  huge  potential  energy  ; 
the  momentum  was  given  to  it  in  August,  191 4. 

If  it  were  necessary,  a  picture  of  German  popular 
opinion  might  be  projected,  showing  how  that 
opinion  was  influenced  and  formed  during  the 
critical  days  at  the  close  of  July  last  year.  But 
from  considerations  of  space  only  the  outlines  of 
the  picture  can  be  given.  Before  the  war  German 
newspapers  abounded  in  reports  of  French  unpre- 
paredness  and  chaos.  The  German  public  was 
informed  that  France  dreaded  and  feared  war 
with  Germany. 

"  Without  any  exaggeration  it  may  be  said 
that  a  state  of  nerves  has  seized  the  French  nation, 
such  as  we  should  seek  for  in  vain  at  the  time  of 
Tangiers  and  Agadir.  There  is  tremendous  ex- 
citement, which  in  many  reports  suggests  absolute 
panic."* 

The  Paris  correspondent  of  the  Kolnische 
Zeitung  (August  4th)  on  returning  to  Cologne 
wrote  :  "  Conditions  in  France  afford  a  striking 
picture  of  bad  organization.  War  rage  possesses 
the  people  ;  but  such  an  enthusiasm  as  I  found 
in  Germany  on  my  return  is  unknown  to  them." 

•  Dresdner  Neueste  Nacbricbten^  Au^u8t|i8t. 


SAIGNER  A  BLANC  227 

On  the  same  day  the  Hamburger  Nachrichten 
reported  :  "  A  German  refugee  who  has  returned 
from  the  French  capital  says  that  there  is  no 
enthusiasm  in  Paris.  Men  and  women  may  be 
seen  weeping  in  the  streets,  while  the  crowds  are 
shouting  :  '  Down  with  war  !  '  '  We  desire  no 
war  ! '  " 

Probably  there  is  no  better  way  to  incite  a 
ferocious  bully  than  to  tell  him  that  his  opponent 
is  weak,  unprepared  and  afraid.  Almost  simul- 
taneously false  reports  of  French  troops  crossing 
the  frontier  and  of  French  airmen  dropping  bombs 
on  Nuremberg  were  spread  by  the  Berlin  General 
Staff,  and  thus  an  excuse  found  for  a  declaration 
of  war  on  France. 

From  the  French  point  of  view  events  appeared 
quite  different.  "  This  morning  German  troops 
have  violated  French  territory  at  three  different 
points  :  in  the  direction  of  Longwy  by  Luneville, 
at  Cirey  and  by  Belfort.  War  has  thus  been  de- 
clared, and  the  endeavours  for  peace  as  described 
in  the  President's  proclamation  have  been  in  vain. 
For  the  last  eight  days  Herr  von  Schoen  (German 
Ambassador  in  Paris)  has  lulled  us  to  sleep  with 
endearing  protestations  of  peace.  Meanwhile 
Germany  has  mobilized  troops  in  a  secret  and 
malevolent  manner. 

"  The  war  upon  which  we  must  enter  is  for 
civilization  against  barbarism.  All  Frenchmen 
must  be  united  not  merely  by  the  feeHng  of  duty, 
but  also  in  hatred  for    an    enemy  who   seeks    no 

15* 


228  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

other  goal  than  our  annihilation — the  destruction 
of  a  nation  which  has  always  been  a  pioneer  of 
justice  and  liberty  in  the  world. 

"  To-night  our  five  covering-corps  will  take 
up  their  positions  and  face  the  enemy  till  our  plan 
of  concentration  is  completed.     Russia  is  with  us. 

"  Messimy, 
"Minister  for  War." 

From  the  moment  that  Germany  declared  war 
on  France,  new  tactics  were  adopted  in  the  Press. 
A  campaign  of  calumny  began  which  is  the  exact 
counterpart  of  that  against  Belgium  and  the 
Belgians.  Uncorroborated  tales  of  Germans  hav- 
ing been  ill  treated  in  all  parts  of  France  were 
spread  broadcast.  According  to  one  journal*  sixty 
to  eighty  Germans  had  been  murdered  on  the 
platforms  of  the  Gare  de  TEst  in  Paris. 

Still  there  is  one  accusation  which  even  German 
newspapers  have  never  dared  to  make,  viz.,  that 
Frenchmen  murdered  and  ill-treated  Frenchmen, 
or  that  war  delirium  led  them  to  destroy  property 
on  a  wholesale  scale.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
picture  obtainable  of  Germany  during  August, 
1914,  proves  that  similar  peaceful  conditions  did 
not  prevail  in  the  great  nation  of  "  drill  and 
discipline." 

France  was  even  "  convicted  "  of  having  caused 
the  war  ;  instead  of  being  unprepared,  she  had 
laid  the  fuse  and  was  the  guilty  power  in  causing 
the  European  explosion.     "The  German  Govern- 

•  Kolniscbe  Volkszeitung^  August  5  th. 


SAIGNER   A   BLANC  229 

ment  has  now  obtained  absolute  proof  that  France 
has  been  standing  at  arms,  ready  to  fall  upon  Ger- 
many, for  many  weeks  past."* 

Above  all.  President  Poincare  has  been  marked 
down  in  Germany's  senseless,  unnecessary  hunt 
for  a  scapegoat  upon  whom  to  fix  her  own  guilt. 
Even  in  the  year  191 5  there  is  a  section  of  the 
German  publicf  which  believes  that  the  French 
President — a  native  of  Lorraine — has  worked  for 
years  past  in  building  up  a  revanche  conspiracy 
ending  in  the  European  war. 

Germany  despised  France  and  has  tried  in  vain 
to  patronize  her.  For  many  years  past  the  average 
German  has  held  that  the  French  are  a  nation  of 
"  degenerate  weaklings."  Inspired  by  these  senti- 
ments, with  a  mixture  of  hate,  the  German  troops 
invaded  France,  and  it  is  a  promising  symptom 
that  during  twelve  months  of  war  respect  for 
French  valour  has  taken  the  place  of  contempt. 

The  first  engagements  are  described  in  the 
official  telegrams  from  the  German  army  head- 
quarters. "August  nth.  Enemies'  troops,  ap- 
parently the  7th  French  army  corps  and  an 
infantry  division  from  the  Belfort  garrison,  were 
driven  out  of  a  fortified  position  by  Miilhausen. 
Our  losses  were  inconsiderable,  those  of  the  French 
heavy. 

"  August   1 2th.     Our  troops  attacked  a  French 

•  Hamburger  Frcmdenblatt,  August  13th. 

t  Dr.  Max  Beer  :   "  Tzar  Poincarew,  die  Schuld  am  Kriege  "  ("  Czar 
Poincarew,  the  War-guilty  ").     Berlin,  1915. 


280  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

brigade  by  Lagarde.  The  enemy  suffered  heavy 
losses  and  was  thrown  back  into  the  Paroy  forest. 
We  captured  a  flag,  two  batteries,  four  machine 
guns  and  about  seven  hundred  prisoners.  A 
French  general  was  among  the  killed. 

"  August  1 8th.  The  fight  by  Miilhausen  was 
little  more  than  a  skirmish.  One  and  a  half  enemy 
corps  had  invaded  Upper  Alsace  before  our  troops 
could  be  collected  and  placed  on  a  war-footing. 
In  spite  of  their  numerical  inferiority  they  attacked 
the  enemy  without  hesitation  and  hurled  him  back 
in  the  direction  of  Belfort. 

"  Meanwhile  an  artillery  contingent  from  Stras- 
bourg has  suffered  a  check.  Two  battalions  with 
cannon  and  machine  guns  advanced  from  Shirmeck 
on  the  14th.  They  were  attacked  by  hostile 
artillery  fire  while  passing  through  a  narrow  pass. 
The  cannon,  etc.,  were  badly  damaged  and  therefore 
left.     No  doubt  they  were  captured  by  the  enemy. 

"  The  incident  is  of  no  importance  and  will 
have  no  influence  on  our  operations,  but  it  should 
serve  as  a  warning  to  our  soldiers  against  over- 
confidence  and  carelessness.  The  men  mustered 
again  and  reached  the  fortress  in  safety :  they 
had  lost  their  guns  but  not  their  courage.  Whether 
treachery  on  the  part  of  the  inhabitants  had  any 
part  in  the  affair  has  not  yet  been  ascertained. 

"  August  22nd.  Our  troops  are  in  pursuit  of 
the  French  army  defeated  between  Metz  and  the 
Vosges.  The  enemies'  retreat  became  a  flight. 
Up    till    now   more    than    ten    thousand   prisoners 


SAIGNER  A  BLANC  281 

have  been  taken  and  at  least  fifty  cannon  captured. 
The  French  had  eight  army  corps  in  the  field. 

"  August  24th.  Yesterday  the  German  Crown 
Prince,  advancing  on  both  sides  of  Longwy, 
achieved  a  victory  over  the  opposing  forces  and 
hurled  them  back. 

"  The  troops  under  the  leadership  of  the 
Bavarian  Crown  Prince  have  also  been  victorious 
and  crossed  the  line  Luneville-Blamont-Tirey. 
To-day  the  21st  army  corps  occupied  Luneville. 

"  The  pursuit  has  brought  rich  booty.  Besides 
numerous  prisoners  and  standards  the  left  wing 
of  the  Vosges  army  has  already  captured  150 
cannon. 

"  To-day  the  German  Crown  Prince's  army  has 
continued  the  pursuit  beyond  Longwy. 

"  The  army  under  Duke  Albrecht  of  Wiirttem- 
berg  has  advanced  on  both  sides  of  Neufchateau 
and  completely  defeated  the  French  army  which 
had  crossed  the  Semois.  Numerous  cannon, 
standards  and  prisoners — among  the  latter  several 
generals — were  captured. 

"  West  of  the  Meuse  our  troops  are  advancing 
on  Maubeuge.  An  English  cavalry  brigade  which 
appeared  on  their  front  was  defeated. 

"  August  27th.  Nine  days  after  the  conclusion 
of  our  concentration  the  armies  in  the  West  have 
gained  victory  after  victory  and  penetrated  the 
enemy's  territory  from  Cambrai  to  the  Southern 
Vosges.  At  all  points  the  enemy  has  been  driven 
out  of  his  positions  and  is  now  in  full  retreat. 


282  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

"  It  is  not  yet  possible  to  estimate,  even  approxi- 
mately, his  losses  in  killed,  prisoners  and  booty ; 
the  explanation  for  this  is  the  enormous  extent 
of  the  battlefields,  broken  by  thick  forests  and 
mountainous  country. 

"  General  von  Kluck's  army  defeated  the  EngHsh 
at  Maubeuge  and  to-day  has  attacked  them  in  an 
encircling  move  south-west  of  that  place. 

"  After  several  days'  fighting  about  eight  army 
corps  of  French  and  Belgian  troops  between  the 
Sambre,  Namur  and  the  Meuse  were  completely 
defeated  by  the  German  armies  under  Generals 
von  Billow  and  von  Hansen. 

"  Namur  has  fallen  after  two  days'  cannonade. 
The  attack  on  Maubeuge  has  commenced.  Duke 
Albrecht's  army  pursued  the  defeated  enemy 
over  the  Semois  and  has  now  crossed  the  Meuse. 

"  On  the  other  side  of  Longwy  the  German 
Crown  Prince  has  captured  a  fortified  enemy 
position,  and  thrown  back  a  heavy  attack  from 
the  direction  of  Verdun.  His  army  is  advancing 
towards  the  Meuse.     Longwy  has  fallen. 

"  New  hostile  forces  from  Nancy  attacked  the 
Bavarian  Crown  Prince's  army  during  its  pursuit 
of  the  French  army  before  it.  The  attack 
failed. 

"  General  von  Heeringen's  army  is  pursuing 
the  enemy  in  the  Vosges,  and  driving  him  south- 
wards.    Alsace  has  been  cleared  of  enemy  forces. 

"  Up  till  the  present  the  lines  of  communication 
have  been  guarded  by  the  various  armies ;    now 


SAIGNER  A  BLANC  288 

the  troops  left  behind  for  that  purpose  are  urgently 
required  for  our  further  advance.  Hence  His 
Majesty  has  ordered  the  mobilization  of  the 
Landsturm. 

"  The  Landsturm  will  be  employed  in  protecting 
the  lines  of  communication  and  for  the  occupation 
of  Belgium.  This  land  which  now  comes  under 
German  administration  will  be  utilized  for  supply- 
ing all  kinds  of  necessities  for  our  armies,  in  order 
that  Germany  may  be  spared  as  much  as  possible." 

During  the  first  month  of  hostilities  on  the 
Western  front,  the  Germans  claimed  that  their 
captures  amounted  to  233  pieces  of  heavy  artillery, 
116  field  guns,  79  machine  guns,  166  wagons 
and  12,934  prisoners.  On  September  8th  General 
Quartermaster  von  Stein  announced  :  "  Maubeuge 
capitulated  yesterday ;  40,000  prisoners  of  war, 
including  four  generals,  400  cannon  and  immense 
quantities  of  war  materials  fell  into  our  hands." 

A  German  war  correspondent,  who  was  present 
at  the  fall  of  Maubeuge,  wrote  :*  "  The  march 
out  of  the  prisoners  began  on  the  same  day  at 
2.30  p.m.  and  lasted  over  six  hours.  They  were 
conducted  to  trains  and  despatched  to  Germany. 
Some  of  the  infantry  made  a  good  impression, 
while  the  pioneers  and  artillery  can  only  be  classed 
as  passable. 

"  To  the  great  disappointment  of  our  troops 
there  were  only  a  hundred  and  twenty  English 
among  the  prisoners  who  had  been  cut  off  from 

•  Heinrich  Binder  :    "  Mit  dem  Hauptquartier  nach  Westen,"  p.  96, 


284  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

the  main  army  ;  young  fellows  about  eighteen  to 
twenty  years  of  age.  When  marching  out  these 
English  youths  were  so  stupid  as  to  offer  the  hand 
to  their  German  victors  in  token  of  the  gentleman- 
like manner  in  which  they  accepted  defeat.  In 
accordance  with  Albion's  ancient  boxing  custom, 
they  desired  to  show  the  absence  of  any  bitter 
feehng  by  a  handshake  ;  just  as  one  does  after 
a  football  match. 

"  Our  men  returned  a  few  cuffs  for  this  war- 
like behaviour,  whereupon  the  English — richer  in 
experience — drew  back  astonished  at  German 
unfriendliness." 

Germany's  rush  for  Paris  reached  as  far  as  the 
Marne ;  they  claim  that  patrols  penetrated  to 
within  seven  kilometres  of  the  French  capital. 
The  report  announcing  the  turn  of  the  tide  is 
worthy  of  quotation. 

"  Chief  Headquarters,  September  loth.  Our 
army  in  their  pursuit  of  the  enemy  in  the  direction 
east  of  Paris  had  passed  beyond  the  Marne.  There 
they  were  attacked  by  superior  forces  between 
Meaux  and  Montmirail.  In  two  days'  heavy 
fighting  they  have  kept  the  enemy  back  and  even 
made  progress. 

"  When  the  approach  of  new,  stronger  hostile 
forces  was  announced  our  wing  was  withdrawn  ; 
the  enemy  made  no  attempt  at  pursuit.  Up  till 
now  the  booty  captured  in  this  battle  includes 
fifty  cannon  and  some  thousands  of  prisoners. 

"  West  of  Verdun  the  army  is  engaged  in  an 


SAIGNER   A  BLANC  235 

advancing    battle.     In    Lorraine    and    the    Vosges 
district  the  situation  is  unchanged." 

This  seems  to  be  all  that  the  German  nation 
has  heard  from  official  sources  of  the  Geiman 
defeat  on  the  Marne  and  the  hurried  retreat  to 
the  Aisne.  Almost  every  report  issued  by  the 
German  headquarters  during  the  succeeding  three 
weeks  informed  the  world  that  a  "  decision  had 
not  yet  fallen." 

Evidently  the  nation  awaited  and  hoped  for  a 
decision  which  would  leave  Paris  at  the  mercy  of 
the  invading  army.  They  are  still  awaiting  that 
decision,  but  whether  the  waiting  is  seasoned  by 
hope  cannot  easily  be  determined. 

A  soldier  present  at  the  battle  of  the  Marne 
has  chronicled  his  experiences.*  "  We  passed  over 
long,  undulating  hills  and  valleys,  and  towards 
I  p.m.  obtained  our  first  glimpse  down  the  beauti- 
ful vale  of  the  Marne.  Standing  on  the  heights  of 
Chateau  Thierry,  we  beheld  the  town  nestling  on 
both  sides  of  the  river  in  the  valley  below. 

"  Then  we  entered  the  town  and  saw  on  all 
sides  the  tokens  of  street  fighting.  All  the  windows 
were  smashed  by  shell  fire  ;  some  houses  had  been 
entirely  gutted.  Dead  Frenchmen  lay  around 
in  heaps,  some  corpses  so  mutilated  by  shrapnel 
as  to  appear  hardly  human.  With  a  shudder  we 
turned  our  eyes  from  this  horrible  scene. 

"  Crossing   the   Marne  by  a  sand-stone  bridge, 

•  H.  Knutz :  "  Mit  den  KOnigin-Fuiilicren  durch  Btlgien  und 
Frankraich,"  p.  49  et  sef. 


286  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

we  climbed  the  opposing  heights  under  a  burning 
sun.  At  the  top  we  deployed,  but  for  that  day 
our  artillery  sufficed  to  drive  the  enemy  in  head- 
long flight  to  the  south  ;  the  night  we  spent  under 
the  open  sky. 

"  Sunday,  September  6th.  Before  breakfast  we 
intended  to  bathe  in  a  stream,  when  our  dreams 
of  a  rest-day  were  dispelled  by  an  order  to  hold 
ourselves  ready  for  the  march.  '  The  17th  division 
IS  under  heavy  rifle  fire  and  the  i8th  must  advance 
to  their  support.'  Meanwhile,  the  chicken  soup 
was  almost  ready,  but  the  order  '  form  ranks ' 
resounded,  and  with  empty  stomachs  we  marched 
through  Neuvy  up  a  hill  and  dug  ourselves  in 
behind  a  wood. 

"  The  thunder  of  the  enemies'  artillery  is 
terrible  ;  shrapnel  is  bursting  on  our  left.  Captain 
von  Liliencron  discusses  the  situation  with  the 
major  and  then  turns  to  us.  '  Our  regiment 
attacks  !  go  for  the  dogs,  children  !  '  he  exclaims 
with  gleaming  eyes. 

"  Next  we  advance  round  the  wood  and  lie 
down  behind  a  hedge  ;  axes  are  held  in  readiness 
to  hack  a  way  through  the  latter.  Five  steps 
from  me  a  machine  gun  hammers  away  at  full 
speed ;  it  is  now  impossible  to  hear  commands, 
so  they  are  roared  from  man  to  man — it  could 
not  be  termed  shouting.  '  Ambulance  to  the 
right !  '  somebody  is  severely  wounded,  but  the 
ambulance  men  have  more  than  they  can  do  on 
the  left. 


SAIGNER  A  BLANC  287 

"  The  hell-music  is  at  its  loudest  ;  shrapnel  is 
bursting  in  the  wood  behind  us  ;  suddenly  there 
is  an  awful  explosion  half  a  dozen  yards  away ; 
I  hear  the  screams  of  my  comrades,  then  we  rush 
forwards.  The  rush  across  the  field  was  awful — 
flank  fire  from  the  right.  Here  and  there  a 
comrade  bites  the  grass. 

"  At  last  I  throw  myself  down,  but  there  is  no 
cover  ;  the  wounded  crouch  there  too.  None  of 
my  company  are  there  ;  it  seems  that  the  two 
last  shells  have  played  havoc  with  them.  The 
enemies'  (French)  main  position  is  nearly  a  mile 
away  in  a  forest. 

"  Up  the  next  slope  our  dead  lie  thick  around, 
and  here  too  a  deadly  bullet  had  found  the  breast 
of  our  heroic  captain.  But  in  the  strip  of  forest 
French  and  Turko  bodies  are  still  thicker.  The 
cat-Hke  Turkos  have  cHmbed  into  the  trees  and 
are  shot  down  Hke  crows.  A  maddening  infantry 
and  artillery  fire  greets  us  as  we  reach  the  top. 
Every  ten  to  twenty  yards  shells  strike,  and  shrapnel 
bursts,  filling  the  air  with  earth,  dust,  smoke  and 
smell. 

"  Forward  1  till  almost  exhausted  I  throw  myself 
down  again  ;  a  hundred  to  a  hundred  and  fifty 
Fusiliers  form  a  firing-Hne.  Columns  of  infantry 
pour  a  murderous  fire  on  to  us  from  the  forest. 
It  cannot  go  on  thus ;  one  after  the  other  is 
wounded  or  killed.  We  have  advanced  nearly 
eight  hundred  yards  over  open  ground.  On  the 
right  there  is  a  small  thicket  of  reeds.     Some  of 


288  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

the  company  have  already  sought  shelter  there, 
and  I  make  a  rush  there  with  the  same  hope. 

"  *  For  heaven's  sake,  lie  down,  corporal,' 
screamed  a  man  as  I  came  up.  In  fact,  the  reeds 
afford  no  cover  whatever.  Wounded  and  dead 
lie  there  and  bullets  keep  hitting  them.  In  front 
of  me  lay  a  man  from  the  fourth  company  ;  a 
bullet  had  entered  his  chest  and  passed  out  of  his 
back  ;  the  blood  was  oozing  out  of  a  wound  about 
the  size  of  a  shilling.  The  horror  was  too  much 
for  me,  and  I  crept  to  the  other  end  of  the 
strip. 

"  There  I  found  everything  far  worse,  but  I 
cannot  describe  the  terrors  which  I  saw.  One  poor 
fellow  begs  for  a  drop  of  water  ;  there  is  just 
another  draught  in  my  bottle.  With  grateful 
eyes  he  hands  it  back  to  me,  and  in  the  same 
moment  I  feel  a  stinging  pain  in  the  shoulder.  My 
arm  is  numbed  and  helpless ;  hardly  one  of  us 
who  is  not  wounded. 

"  We  can  offer  no  resistance  to  the  enemy ;  but 
the  awful  way  back  !  At  last  the  run  back  over 
eight  hundred  yards  of  open  field  begins.  Now 
and  again  a  comrade  sinks  to  the  ground,  never  to 
rise  again.  My  breath  is  nearly  gone  ;  one  last 
effort,  and  in  truth  I  have  escaped  from  the  hail 
of  bullets." 

It  is  remarkable  and  noteworthy  that  German 
writers  charge  the  French  armies  with  looting 
and  destruction  in  their  own  country.  Probably 
this  is  merely  a  device  to  get  rid  of  unpleasant 


SAIGNER  A  BLANC  239 

accusations  raised  against  the  German  army. 
Furthermore,  the  most  reckless  charges  of  un- 
cleanHness  are  made.  In  commenting  on  the  lot 
of  the  Landsturm  troops  quartered  in  the  villages 
of  Northern  France,  one  author*  writes :  "  The 
Landsturm  men  pass  their  time  as  best  they  can 
in  these  holes,  whose  most  conspicuous  quality 
is  their  filth." 

The  same  author  gives  his  impressions  of  a  visit 
to  Sedan.  "  Only  one  house  has  been  completely 
and  another  partly  destroyed,  otherwise  appear- 
ances are  peaceful,  and  as  far  as  possible,  life  goes 
on  as  usual.  Here,  too,  many  of  the  inhabitants 
have  left  their  homes  and  fled.  The  stupidity 
of  this  flight  becomes  evident  at  every  step.  In 
numerous  small  hotels  whose  proprietors  have 
remained,  one  sees  German  soldiers  buying  bottles 
of  splendid  Burgundy  wine  at  a  shilling  a  bottle. 

"  But  in  another  hotel  whose  proprietor  had  fled, 
is  it  a  matter  for  surprise  that  the  men  caroused 
on  discovering  a  cellar  containing  three  thousand 
bottles  of  wine  ?  On  the  route  I  have  myself 
purchased  some  of  the  oldest  and  best  wines  from 
our  men  at  a  price  of  three  cigars  a  bottle,  and 
the  recollection  of  them  belongs  to  the  pleasantest 
memories  of  my  sojourn  at  the  front. 

"  Certainly  the  owner  of  Chateau  Frenois, 
situated  a  few  minutes'  walk  from  the  town,  will 
be    more    unpleasantly    surprised    on    his    return 

•  Erich  Kohrer  :    "  Zwischen  Aisne  und  Argonnen  "  ("  Between  the 
Aisne  and  the  Argonnes "),  p.  25. 


240  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

than  the  hotel  proprietor.  In  his  home,  French 
marauders  and  plunderers  have  destroyed  and 
devastated  the  entire  contents.  It  is  impossible 
to  comprehend  the  senselessness  of  this  conduct, 
for  which  no  reasons  of  military  necessity  can  be 
advanced. 

"  Ancient  family  pictures  v^hich  could  not  be 
taken  out  of  their  frames  have  been  ruined  by 
bayonet  stabs,  and  from  the  shape  of  the  cuts 
they  were  certainly  the  work  of  French  bayonets. 
Even  the  library,  which  contained  a  valuable 
collection  of  old  prints,  had  been  robbed. 

"  Not  far  from  this  scene  of  desolation  stands 
Chateau  Bellevue,  where  King  WilHam  met 
Napoleon  in  1870.  There,  too,  the  traces  of 
French  plunderers  are  painfully  evident ;  it  was 
left  to  the  '  Hun-Kaiser '  to  save  this  historic 
spot  from  complete  annihilation.  In  September 
Wilhelm  II.  visited  the  chateau  and  seeing  the 
signs  of  rapacity,  ordered  the  place  to  be  strictly 
guarded  to  prevent  further  desecration."* 

It  did  not  occur  to  Herr  Kohrer  to  connect 
the  carousals  with  the  plundering  ;  in  one  sentence 
he  admits  that  French  soldiers  respected  the 
wine-cellars  and  in  the  next  accuses  them  of 
stealing  books,  etc.  Every  German  writer,  in 
describing  the  German  advance,  comments  on  the 
immense  number  of  haversacks,  weapons  and  equip- 
ment thrown  away  by  the  French  in  their  "  wild 
flight."     Yet  they  desire  their  readers  to  beHeve 

•  Ibid.,  pp.  22-3. 


SAIGNER  A  BLANC  241 

that  the  same  soldiers  had  time  to  rob  and  destroy, 
indeed,  carry  their  plunder  with  them  ! 

Since  September  no  French  troops  have  been 
in  the  district,  yet  the  Kaiser  found  it  necessary 
to  place  guards  round  Chateau  Bellevue.  Is  it 
not  more  reasonable  to  assume  that  the  precaution 
was  taken  against  the  predatory  instincts  of  his 
own  soldiery,  who,  admittedly,  are  in  occupation 
of  the  province  ? 

Herr  Kohrer  finds  it  almost  beneath  his  dignity 
to  reply  to  charges  of  barbarism  and  Hunnism  ; 
yet  he  devotes  several  pages  to  the  art  of  white- 
washing. "  The  inhabitants  who  remained  in  their 
homes,  and  those  who  have  returned  since  the 
flight — unfortunately  it  is  only  a  small  part  of  the 
entirety — have  recognized  long  ago  that  the 
German  soldier  is  not  a  barbarian.  The  terrible 
distress  which  prevails  among  the  French  is  often 
enough  relieved  by  the  generosity  of  the  German 
troops.  Throngs  of  women  and  children  from  the 
filthy  villages  of  the  Argonne  and  the  Ardennes 
gather  round  our  field-kitchens  and  regularly 
receive  the  remains  of  the  meals ;  while  many  a 
German  Landsturm  man,  recollecting  his  own 
wife  and  children,  fills  the  mouths  of  dirty  French 
children  instead  of  completely  satisfying  his  own 
hunger."* 

No  one  disputes  the  presence  of  kindly  Germans 

•  Ibid,,  p.  34.  Herr  Kohrer  has  evidently  never  visited  many 
Bavarian  villages :  otherwise  he  would  be  more  careful  with  his 
adjectives  when  describing  the  villages  of  France. — Author. 

16 


242  WHAt  GERMANY  THINKS 

in  the  Kaiser's  armies,  and  it  is  pleasing  to  read 
about  these  acts  of  generosity  in  reHeving  distress 
which  is  entirely  the  result  of  Germany's  guilt. 
But  the  point  which  all  German  writers  miss  is 
the  explanation  of  positive  evidence  of  brutal 
deeds.  Their  kindly  incidents  and  proofs  of 
German  chivalry  are  all  of  a  negative  character, 
and  do  not  overthrow  one  jot  or  tittle  of  the 
opposing  positive  evidence. 

Iron  crosses  have  fallen  in  thick  showers  on 
the  German  armies ;  during  the  month  of  July, 
191 5,  no  fewer  than  3,400  of  these  decorations 
were  awarded  to  the  Bavarian  army  alone.  Still, 
as  far  back  as  November  of  last  year,  Herr  Kohrer 
wrote :  "In  the  villages  on  the  slopes  of  the 
Argonnes  and  on  the  banks  of  the  Aisne,  nearly 
every  second  soldier  is  wearing  an  iron  cross.  One 
has  the  certain  conviction  that  it  is  not  an  army  of 
fifty  or  sixty  thousand,  but  a  nation  of  heroes 
which  occupies  the  plains  of  France  and  fights 
for  us. 

"  They  are  all  heroes  at  the  front,  including 
those  who  do  not  wear  the  outward  symbol  of 
personal  bravery.  When  we  see  how  our  men 
live,  it  would  seem  that  the  earliest  days  of  the 
human  race  have  returned.  They  have  become 
cave-dwellers,  troglodytes  in  the  worst  form. 
Our  heavy  batteries  are  placed  on  the  slopes  of  the 
Argonne  forest,  while  the  light  field-howitzers 
occupy  the  summits. 

"  Near  them  holes  have  been  dug  in  the  wet 


SAIGNER  A  BLANC  248 

clay  or  chalk,  and  meagrely  lined  with  straw ; 
these  dark,  damp  caves  are  the  dwellings  of  our 
officers  and  men  for  weeks  at  a  time,  while  the 
shells  from  the  enemy's  artillery  whiz  and  burst 
around.  In  them  the  differences  of  rank  dis- 
appear, except  that  one  sometimes  sees  a  couple 
of  chairs  provided  for  officers.  When  duty  does 
not  call  them  to  the  guns,  they  are  free  to  remain 
in  the  open  exposed  to  a  sudden  and  awful  death, 
or  to  spend  their  time  in  the  womb  of  mother 
earth.  Yet  one  never  hears  a  word  of  complaint ; 
rather  the  hardships  of  this  strange  existence  are 
borne  with  rough  good-humour."* 

Contrary  to  the  expectations  of  other  nations, 
the  war  seems  only  to  have  increased  the  popularity 
of  the  military  Moloch.  Writers  who  look  upon 
the  Allies  as  deliverers  who  will  free  Germany 
from  the  degrading  slavery  imposed  upon  that 
country,  will  be  disappointed  to  learn  that  Germans 
worship  the  hunte  Rock  (gay  uniform)  more  than 
ever. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  National  Liberal  leaders 
held  in  Dortmund,  July,  191 5,  a  resolution  was 
passed  calling  upon  the  Government  to  pursue  a 
still  greater  naval  and  army  programme.  Both  the 
Liberals  and  Conservatives  have  adopted  the 
motto  :  Deutsche  Machtfolitik  fret  von  Sentimentali- 
tat  (A  German  policy  of  might  free  from  senti- 
mentalism). 

"  This  war  of  the  nations,  which  has  overthrown 

•  Ibid.,  p.  28. 

i6* 


244  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

so  many  accepted  standards  and  created  new  ones, 
will  also  give  a  new  basis  to  the  privileged  position 
of  German  officers  in  public  life.  Millions  of 
German  men  have  seen  how  in  this  war  the  German 
lieutenant  has  again  merited  his  special  position 
for  some  generations  to  come.  I  wish  to  emphasize 
this  point  over  and  over  again. 

"  During  the  first  two  months  of  hostilities 
nearly  forty  thousand  iron  crosses  were  awarded. 
To  many  of  those  at  home  this  appeared  to  be 
overdoing  it,  like  the  many  exaggerations  in  the 
domain  of  orders  and  honours  with  which  we  have 
become  familiar  during  the  last  decade.*  As  a 
matter  of  fact,  the  number  of  crosses  given  was 
too  small. 

"  Not  forty  thousand  heroes  are  at  the  front, 
but  a  nation  of  heroes.  In  emphasizing  why  the 
work  of  our  officers  is  so  splendid  I  must  lay  down 
these  premises.  The  bravery  and  joyous  spirit  of 
self-sacrifice  in  our  men  is  above  all  praise,  but  the 
officers  have  higher  and  more  responsible  duties. 
They  have  not  only  to  set  an  example  of  physical 
courage,  but  they  must  possess  the  mental  capacity 
to  lead  and  spur  on  their  men — and  that  under 
conditions  so  hard  and  rude  that  the  man  at  home 
has  no  conception  of  them. 

"  I  have  been  in  the  trenches  on  the  slopes  of 
the  Argonnes,  where  officers    lie  side  by  side  with 
the  men  in  clay  and  chalk,  unwashed  and  filthy 
cut  off  from  the  outside  world,  exposed  to  con- 

•  Vide  "  The  Soul  of  Germany,"  Chapter  XIII. 


SAIGNER  A  BLANC  245 

tinuous  fire  and  thrown  entirely  upon  themselves. 
I  have  seen  them  in  the  artillery  positions  on  the 
Aisne,  in  the  mud-caves  of  the  heavy  batteries, 
w^here  they  sit  in  the  dark  on  empty  packing-cases, 
listening  to  the  music  of  exploding  shells  and 
whistling  bullets.  And  everywhere  I  received  the 
same  impression  :  the  men  are  enthusiastic  in 
praise  of  their  leaders. 

"  Many  a  one  who  has  never  voted  for  any  other 
party  than  the  Social  Democrats  has  exclaimed  : 
'  Lieutenants  !  Donner wetter,  yes  !  Hats  off  to 
them  !  '  For  the  lieutenant  is  not  only  the  first 
in  the  fight,  but  he  is  the  soul  of  the  company ; 
untiring  in  his  efforts  to  keep  up  their  spirits  in  the 
intervals  between  the  fighting. 

"  And  when  we  again  witness  the  scenes  which 
often  disgusted  us  before  the  war — the  monocled 
young  gentlemen  in  gay  uniform,  walking  through 
the  streets,  nose  in  the  air — when  we  see  all  this 
again,  and  perhaps  a  bit  of  iron  pinned  on  the 
breast,  then  we  must  remember  that  for  their  life 
of  danger  and  hardship  in  Argonnes  clay,  and 
Russian  mud,  no  earthly  compensation  can  be  too 
great. 

"  No  nation  can  ever  imitate  our  lieutenant, 
and  in  this  war  of  masses  and  technical  perfection 
it  is  still  the  value  of  individual  personality  which 
will  decide  the  issue.  We  may  affirm  that  this 
value  stands  very  high  in  our  army — both  as  regards 
officers  and  men. 

"  Only  he  who  has    seen  for  himself   the  burnt 


246  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

villages,  devastated  towns  and  desolate  land  of 
France  can  comprehend  the  full  meaning  of  the 
awful  word  Krieg  (war).  Mere  words  cannot 
express  what  it  means  to  Germans  and  Germany 
that  the  horrors  of  war  have  been  carried  almost 
alone  into  the  enemy's  territory. 

"  But  then  a  spirit  of  irresistible  ardour  goes 
through  the  ranks  of  our  warriors.  From  every 
eye,  in  every  word,  burns  the  deepest,  most  un- 
bounded faith  in  victory.  In  the  trenches,  batteries 
and  hospitals  there  is  no  doubt,  no  fear.  One 
great  thought  hovers  victoriously  above  all  hard- 
ships, distress  and  suffering :  Germany  to  the 
front  in  the  world  ! 

"  And  from  out  the  blood  which  flows — and  that 
is  shed  plenteously,  very  plenteously — (this  is  the 
sacred  faith  which  I  brought  back  from  the  battle- 
fields) out  of  this  blood  the  proud  harvest  will 
grow,  whose  blessings  we  shall  all  feel — the  world 
dominion  of  the  German  idea  !  "* 

In  spite  of  Kohrer's  assurances  that  the  relation- 
ship between  officers  and  men  in  the  German  army 
is  an  ideal  one,  there  is  evidence  that  such  is  not 
always  the  case.  The  Social  Democratic  paper 
Karlsruhe  Volksfreund  (July  23rd,  191 5)  contained 
a  long  article  by  "  comrade "  WiUielm  Kolb, 
attacking  the  anti-annexation  fraction  of  his  party. 
Kolb  accused  the  opposition  with  "  speculating  on 
the  question  of  food-prices  and  the  ill-treatment  of 
soldiers  at  and  behind  the  front.     The  power  of 

•  Ibid.,  p.  50  et  seq. 


SAIGNER  A  BLANC  247 

the  censor  makes  it  exceedingly  difficult,  or  even 
impossible,  to  ventilate  this  matter." 

German  writers  are  careful  to  impress  their 
readers  that  the  losses  of  the  French  were  appalling, 
but  here  and  there  a  stray  word  or  sentence  lifts 
the  veil  and  discovers  their  own. 

"  Just  before  me  are  the  graves  of  some  German 
officers  adorned  with  wooden  crosses  and  helmets, 
and  a  little  farther  on  a  Massengrab  (large  common 
grave)  containing  several  hundred  German  soldiers. 
At  this  point  (Sedan)  the  battle  raged  with  awful 
fury,  and  the  Germans  had  to  make  heavy  sacrifices. 
It  seems  almost  incredible  that  the  Germans  could 
have  forced  the  position. 

"  The  country  is  hilly ;  not  a  tree  or  bush 
offered  cover  from  the  French  bullets.  French 
trenches  at  distances  of  from  thirty  to  fifty  yards, 
stretched  across  the  land,  and  between  them  were 
wire  entanglements  and  other  obstacles.  Besides 
which  they  had  an  open  firing-range  of  over  a  mile 
in  extent,  with  their  artillery  to  cover  them  from  a 
steep  hill  on  the  other  side  of  the  Meuse. 

"  At  5  a.m.  the  attack  commenced,  and  by  the 
afternoon  the  French  had  been  hurled  across  the 
river.  Then  came  the  most  difficult  part  of  the 
operations.  From  the  Meuse  the  ground  rises 
gradually  to  a  steep  hill,  on  which  the  French 
artillery  and  machine  guns  were  placed.  The  only 
bridge  over  the  river,  at  Donchery,  had  been  blown 
up  at  the  last  moment  by  the  enemy,  and  although 
our  pioneers  had  hastily  constructed  a   bridge  of 


248  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

tree-trunks — what  was  this  for  so  many  regi- 
ments ! 

"  Many  tried  to  ford  or  swim  the  stream.  The 
French  fire  was  murderous  in  its  effect.  Several 
times  the  ranks  wavered,  but  again  and  again  they 
pressed  forward,  till  the  heights  were  stormed  and 
the  enemy  in  flight.  The  battle  raged  on  into  the 
night  and  then  the  remains  of  the  regiments  gathered 
at  the  foot  of  the  hill.  They  had  won  a  costly  but 
glorious  victory.  Those  who  have  seen  the  successes 
which  our  troops  have  gained,  even  under  the  most 
difficult  conditions,  need  have  no  fear  as  to  the 
ultimate  result  of  this  war. 

"  I  stood  long  at  this  spot  on  the  blood-drenched 
soil  of  France,  just  where  the  regiments  from 
Trier*  had  fought  so  bravely  and  suffered  so  heavily. 
Serious  thoughts  arose  in  me  as  I  gazed  at  the  battle- 
field. What  a  dispensation  !  Two  gigantic  battles 
on  the  same  spot  in  such  a  short  space  of  time  ; 
two  great  victories  over  the  French.  And  most 
remarkable  of  all,  the  nation  which  for  forty-four 
years  had  desired  revanche  for  Sedan,  was  again 
completely  defeated  at  the  same  place — almost  on 
the  anniversary  of  the  first  battle. 

"  Twilight  shadows  fall  deep  upon  the  quiet 
fields  where  the  dead  rest.  Squadrons  of  white 
clouds  drift  down  the  valley,  as  if  to  cover  the 
sleeping  heroes   with   a   shroud   of  white.     Above 

•  The  writer,  Dr.  W.  Kriege,  is  a  Roman  Catholic  priest  from  Trier 
(Treves).  His  book  "  Bilder  vom  Kriegsschauplatz "  (Pictures  from 
the  Seat  of  War  "),  published  in  19 15,  is  both  interesting  and  illuminating. 


SAIGNER   A   BLANC  249 

Sedan's  heights  appears  the  shining  crescent  of 
the  moon  and  sheds  a  ghostly  light  over  the  wide 
field  of  death — the  battlefield  of  Sedan."* 

"  At  last  we  arrive  at  our  destination — Somme-Py. 
But  what  a  sight  !  Nothing  remains  of  the  once 
beautiful,  spacious  village  but  a  heap  of  rubbish. 
A  few  black-burnt  walls  are  still  standing  and  abou 
three  houses  ;  among  them,  fortunately,  the  house 
occupied  by  Kaiser  Wilhelm  I.  in  1870-71,  when  the 
victorious  German  army  was  marching  on  Paris. 
At  present  it  serves  as  a  field-hospital.  Yes,  this 
is  the  second  time  that  a  German  army  has  marched 
this  way  ;  but  the  battles  were  never  so  bloody  as 
this  time. 

"  Somme-Py  and  the  country  round  has  a  special 
meaning  for  us  folk  in  Trier.  For  here  our  Trier 
regiments — above  all  the  29th  and  69th — have 
fought  with  splendid  valour,  and  here  they  have 
buried  many  a  dear  friend  and  comrade.  Imme- 
diately before  Somme-Py  one  of  the  largest  mass- 
graves  of  the  whole  campaign  may  be  seen. 

"  A  simple  iron  railing  surrounds  the  spot  where 
hundreds  of  those  rest  who  lived  so  happily  in  our 
midst,  who  marched  so  gaily  and  to  whom  we  waved 
farewell  greetings  as  they  tramped  through  our  streets. 

"  The  fight  for  the  village  had  been  particularly 
fierce  and  bloody ;  the  inhabitants  had  no  time  to 
flee.  Half-burnt  men  and  animals,  soldiers  and 
civilians,  filled  the  houses  and  streets,  or  lay  buried 
under  the  ruins — awful  sacrifices  to  the  war  Fury  ! 

•  Dr.  W.  Kriege :  "  Bilder  vom  Kriegsschauplatz,"  p.  45  et  seq. 


250  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

We  must  thank  God  and  our  brave  soldiers  that  they 
have  preserved  our  hearths  and  homes  from  such 
horror  and  misery."* 

It  is  cheering  to  find  a  growing  feeling  of  respect 
for  the  French  in  German  war  literature.  One  of 
many  such  expressions  will  be  sufficient  to  quote 
here.  The  writer  of  it  is  a  German  author  who 
enjoys  much  esteem  in  his  own  country,  and  was  a 
guest  at  the  German  Crown  Prince's  headquarters 
in  May,  1915. 

"  In  conversations  with  numerous  French 
prisoners  I  have  found  no  traces  of  hate  and  rage 
either  in  their  looks  or  words.  The  most  are  glad 
to  have  escaped  in  an  honourable  manner  from  the 
nerve-racking,  trench  warfare.  In  an  honourable 
manner  ?  Yes,  for  I  have  heard  on  all  sides — from 
the  highest  officers  and  the  simplest  soldiers — that 
the  French  have  fought  well.  For  the  most  part 
they    are    well    led — and    always    filled    up    with 

Hes."t 

"  Then  we  dined  with  the  Crown  Prince  ;  soup, 
roast  goose,  fresh  beans  and  dessert.  The  conver- 
sation was  lively.  In  our  small  company — although 
the  bravery  of  the  enemy  and  his  excellent  leader- 
ship receives  full  recognition — there  is  not  one 
who  does  not  reckon  with  absolute  conviction  on 
complete  victory  on  both  fronts."! 

•  Ibid.,  pp.  78-80. 

t  Rudolf  Presber  :    "  An  die  Front  zum  deutschen  Kronprinzen  " 
("  At  the  Front  with  the  German  Crown  Prince  "),  p.  33. 
X  Ibid.,  p.  61. 


SAIGNER   A   BLANC  t51 

Herr  Presber's  book  is  free,  neither  from  adulation 
nor  hero-worship.  He  is  a  poet,  sentimentaHst, 
and  evangeHst  for  Greater  Germany.  His  book  is 
a  collection  of  incidents,  reflections,  and  conversa- 
tions, carefully  assorted  and  arranged,  so  as  to  allow 
the  limelight  to  glare  on  the  statuesque  figure  of 
a  mighty  Germanic  hero,  fresh  from  Walhalla — 
incarnated  in  the  Crown  Prince. 

The  Crown  Prince's  birthday  dinner-party 
affords  an  excellent  opportunity  for  the  German 
nation  to  see  the  mighty  one  replying  to  the  toast 
of  his  health.  Presber  affirms  that  the  moment 
when  his  royal  host  raised  his  glass  and  uttered  the 
words :  "  Ein  stilles  Glas  den  Toten  !  "  ("  A  glass 
in  silence  to  the  memory  of  the  fallen ")  will 
for  ever  be  "  most  solemn  and  sacred "  in  his 
memory. 

With  genuine  German  inquisitiveness  Herr 
Presber  hunted  through  the  various  cupboards  and 
drawers  in  his  room  and  found  a  map  of  France  as  it 
was  before  the  loss  of  Alsace-Lorraine.  "  The 
map  is  wrong  and  useless,  and  so  I  use  it  to  line  a 
drawer  before  placing  my  linen  therein.  This 
makes  me  think  of  the  many  changes  which  will  be 
marked  in  the  atlases  which  German  children  are 
now  carrying  to  school  in  their  satchels — after  the 
cannon  have  ceased  to  roar.  How  the  colouring 
of  the  maps  has  changed  since  I  went  to  school, 
and  yet  once  more  a  great  '  unrest  of  colour  '  is 
about  to  change  the  map  of  Europe.  And  as  far 
as  I  can  see,  large  notes  of  interrogation   must    be 


252  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

placed  not  alone  round  the  Poles  and  in  Central 
Africa  !  "* 

"  I  spoke  of  the  good  understanding  between  the 
natives  and  our  soldiers.  Probably  that  is  not  so 
easy  to  attain  everywhere.  We  drove  long  distances 
from  the  Prince's  headquarters  and  once  passed 
through  a  famous  town  which  sees  the  German 
conquerors  for  a  second  time.  (No  doubt  Sedan  is 
meant. — Author.) 

"  Most  of  the  inhabitants  know  it  is  the  Crown 
Prince  by  the  signs  of  reverence  shown  him  on  all 
sides,  by  officers  and  men  alike.  But  the  citizens 
of  the  twice-conquered  town  bite  their  lips,  turn 
their  heads  aside,  and  pretend  indifference.  The 
women  too — many  of  them  in  deep  mourning — 
turn  away,  or  sometimes  stand  and  stare  as  if  with 
suddenly  aroused  interest.  Here  the  ancient  hate 
glowers  in  silence. 

"  It  seems  as  if  a  parole  of  mute  non-respect  has 
been  passed  round.  This  town,  which  has  become 
world-famous  on  account  of  the  debacle  of  the  Third 
Empire,  lives  to  see  with  gnashing  of  teeth  the 
downfall  of  the  Republic.  But  they  do  not  believe 
it  yet."t 

"  French  and  Russian  prisoners  are  working  on 
the  roads,  wheeling  barrows  of  stone  and  filling  the 
holes  made  by  shell  fire.  Some  of  them,  without 
thinking,  touch  their  caps  when  their  guards  stand 
stiffly  at  the  salute.  (And  how  few  guards  are 
necessary  to  watch  this  tame  herd  !)     Others  gaze 

•  Ibid.,  p.  loi.  t  Ibid.,  p.  io8. 


SAIGNER   A   BLANC  258 

at  our  car  as  it  rushes  past  without  giving  any  salute  ; 
their  faces  express  astonishment,  curiosity,  but  no 
excitement."* 

Another  illuminating  page  tells  of  the  Crown 
Prince's  anger  on  hearing  that  Italy  had  joined  the 
AlHes,  and  how  they  went  for  a  motor-ride  as  an 
antidote  to  the  royal  rage. 

German  humour  is  generally  unconscious  and 
mostly  unintentional.  After  a  policy  of  bullying 
towards  France  for  forty-four  years,  Germany 
has  discovered  during  the  course  of  the  war  that 
France  is  the  cat's-paw  of  Russia  and  Great  Britain 
— principally  the  latter. 

One  writer,!  in  some  fifty  pages  of  venom, 
endeavours  to  show  that  England  is  France's 
executioner.  AnotherJ  gives  our  ally  the  advice 
"  awake  !  "  After  Germany  has  played  the  saigner- 
a-blanc  game  in  Northern  France  for  more  than  a 
year,  the  advice  seems  rather  belated. 

Herr  Heinemann  writes,  p.  33  :  "  France  is 
not  fighting  for  herself,  but  for  England  and 
Russia. 

"  Poor  deceived  France  !  She  has  given  fifteen 
milliards  of  francs  to  Russia  so  that  she  may  at 
last  draw  the  sword  in  defence  of  Russo-Serbian 
and  British  commercial  interests.  She  has  placed 
her  money  and  her  beautiful  land  at  the  disposal 

*  Ibid.,  pp.  107-110. 

t  Walter  Unus :  "  England  als  Henker  Frankreichs."     Braunschweig, 
1915. 

X  Ernst  Heinemann  :    "  Frankreich,  erwache  I  "     Berlin,  19 15. 


254  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

of  her  so-called  friends — for  the  sake  of  a  mad 
idea  which  these  friends  have  cleverly  exploited 
(revanche  idee), 

"  England  has  declared  that  she  will  continue 
the  war  for  twenty  years,  twenty  years — on  French 
soil.  If  under  these  circumstances  the  French 
broke  with  their  allies — who  have  exploited  France 
for  the  last  twenty-five  years,  and  who  have  plunged 
her  into  this  war — in  order  to  arrive  at  a  reason- 
able understanding  with  Germany ;  then  they 
would  only  show  that  they  do  not  intend  to  accept 
the  final  consequences  of  the  mistakes  committed 
by  the  French  Government. 

"  No  one  is  compelled  to  eat  the  last  drop  of 
a  soup  prepared  by  false  friends.  In  this  sense, 
to  seduce  France  to  a  direct  breach  of  faith  with 
her  allies,  would  in  truth,  only  mean  the  protection 
of  France's  best  interests"  (pp.  51-2). 

One  other  writer  deserves  mention — a  lecturer 
in  history,  Bonn  University — because  he  presents 
an  opinion  the  exact  contrary  to  the  one  last 
quoted.  According  to  Dr.  Platzhoff,  France  her- 
self is  the  guilty  party,  who  has  tricked  Russia  and 
Great  Britain  into  the  service  of  revenge  for  1870. 

"  Therefore  France  found  it  necessary  to  extract 
herself  from  isolation,  and  acquire  allies  against 
her  neighbour  (Germany).  In  several  decades  of 
painful  effort,  French  diplomacy  has  solved  the 
problem  in  brilliant  fashion.  Revanche — and 
alliance  policy  are  inseparable  conceptions."* 

•  Dr.  Walter  Platzhoff  :  "  Deutschland  und  Frankreich,"  p.  i8. 


SAIGNER   A   BLANC  255 

In  contrast  to  most  German  authors,  Platzhoff 
admits  that  the  Entente  Cordiale  was  called  into 
being  by  Germany  herself.  "  This  development 
caused  great  anxiety  in  Germany.  But  it  seems 
certain  that  Germany  could  have  prevented  it 
by  one  means  alone — an  open  agreement  with 
England.  And  Berlin,  after  considering  the  matter 
carefully,  had  declined  the  latter."* 

"  That  France  would  enter  the  field  on  Russia's 
behalf  is  a  logical  consequence  not  only  of  the 
Dual  Alliance  treaty,  but  also  of  the  policy  pursued 
during  recent  decades.  In  vain  French  ministers 
have  protested  their  love  of  peace  and  their  inno- 
cence in  causing  this  war.  The  policy  of  alliances 
and  revenge  was  certain  to  end  in  a  world 
conflagration. 

"  Already  voices  make  themselves  heard  which 
prophesy  a  revolution  in  French  policy  and  a 
later  entente  with  Germany."! 

Many  such  passages  might  be  cited  to  prove 
that  Germany  would  like  to  see  a  split  among  the 
allies.  But  France's  honour  and  welfare  are  in 
her  own  hands,  and  it  appears  a  futile  hope  that 
Germany,  after  failing  to  bring  France  to  sub- 
mission and  self-effacement  by  threats  of  saigner 
a  blanc,  will  succeed  in  her  purpose  by  the  reality. 

•  Ibid.,  p.  22.  t  Ibid.,  pp.  26-8. 


CHAPTER  XI 

THE    INTELLECTUALS    AND   THE    WAR 

MENTION  has  already  been  made  that 
a  large  number  of  Germany's  war  books 
has  emanated  from  the  universities.  Not  the 
least  important  of  these  efforts  is  "  Deutschland 
und  der  Weltkrieg  "  ("  Germany  and  the  World 
War.")*  Twenty  well-known  university  pro- 
fessors have  contributed  to  the  work ;  the  fact 
being  emphasized  that  special  facilities  have  been 
accorded  to  them  by  the  German  foreign  office. 
For  British  readers  the  chapters  by  Professors 
Marcks  and  Oncken  are  the  most  interesting, 
viz.,  "  England's  PoHcy  of  Might  "  by  the  former, 
and  "  Events  leading  up  to  the  War  "  and  "  The 
Outbreak  of  War "  by  the  latter.  They  take 
up  a  fifth  of  the  686  pages  of  which  the  entire 
work  consists. 

The   purpose   of   Professor   Marcks'   essay   is   to 
prove  on  historical  and  scientific  lines  the  lessons 

•  "  Deutschland  und  der  Weltkrieg,"  herausgegeben  von  Otto  Hintie, 
Friedrich  Meinecke,  Hermann  Oncken  und  Hermann  Schumacher. 
Leipzig  und  Berlin,  191 5. 

256 


THE  INTELLECTUALS  AND  THE  WAR    257 

which  have  been  taught  in  German  schools  for 
nearly  half  a  century,  i.e.,  England  is  an  astute 
but  ruthless  robber  who  respects  no  right,  and 
no  nation  which  stands  in  her  way. 

"  England's  modern  history  begins  with  the 
Tudors  and  her  world  policy  with  Elizabeth. 
First  of  all,  England  had  to  liberate  herself, 
economically  and  politically,  from  a  position  of 
dependence  on  the  other  Powers  ;  then  she  took 
up  her  particular  attitude  to  the  world.  Her 
separation  from  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  was 
exceedingly  rich  in  consequences  ;  this  step 
assigned  to  her  a  peculiar  place  in  the  camp  of 
the  nations,  and  exercised  a  deep  influence  upon 
her  intellectual  development.  It  gave  her 
an  impetus  towards  internal  and  external 
independence. 

"  But  the  determining  factor  for  England's 
future  was  her  insular  position ;  this  has  been 
the  case  from  the  time  Europe  entered  the  ocean- 
period.  Since  the  year  1600  England,  by  her 
commerce  and  politics,  has  influenced  Europe 
from  without,  while  she  has  maintained  for  her- 
self a  position  of  independence,  and  directed  her 
energies  across  the  ocean  into  the  wide  world. 
Successively  she  seized  upon  the  Baltic,  North 
Sea,  and  Atlantic  Ocean  ;  gradually  she  became 
the  merchant  and  shipbuilder  for  most  of  the 
European  nations. 

"  The  sea  has  given  her  everything — indepen- 
dence,  security   and   prosperity — both  in  treasure 

17 


258  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

and  lands.  The  sea  protected  her  and  spared 
her  the  unpleasantness  of  mighty  neighbours. 
It  was  the  ocean  which  permitted  free  develop- 
ment to  her  internal  life,  parliament,  government 
and  administration,  and  saved  her  from  the  conti- 
nental form  of  Government — a  strong,  armed 
monarchy. 

"  The  sea  has  allowed  the  English  to  develop, 
undisturbed,  the  peculiarities  of  their  race — 
personal  energy,  trained  by  contact  with  the 
ocean ;  personal  freedom,  favoured  but  not 
oppressed  by  the  living  organism  of  the  State. 
The  sea  afforded  them  liberty  of  action  in  every 
direction  without  fear  of  attack  from  behind. 
Freed  from  the  chains  which  bound  Europe, 
England  went  out  into  the  wide  world. 

"  Yet  she  remained  constantly  associated  with 
the  continent,  not  only  because  Europe  was  her 
field  of  action.  English  statesmen  have  always 
seized  upon  every  opportunity  to  influence  Euro- 
pean policy ;  at  first  this  was  from  motives  of 
defence,  but  afterwards  from  an  ever-increasing 
spirit  of  aggression.  The  balance  of  power  on  the 
continent  has  always  been  one  of  the  premises  for 
England's  security  and  existence. 

"  She  is  indebted  to  her  insular  position  for  the 
supreme  advantage  of  being  able  to  exercise  her 
influence  in  Europe  without  allowing  her  forces  to 
be  tied  to  the  continent ;  European  countries  were 
bound  by  their  own  conflicts  and  differences, 
enabling    England    to    exert    her    influence    upon 


THE  INTELLECTUALS  AND  THE  WAR    259 

them  without  active  participation.  England  has 
become  thoroughly  accustomed  to  a  state  of 
affairs  under  which  she  has  no  neighbours  and 
never  permits  any — not  even  on  the  sea.  She 
has  come  to  consider  this  her  God-given 
prerogative. 

"  The  barriers  of  geographical  position  which 
hampered  other  lands,  nature  did  not  impose 
upon  England ;  the  security  afforded  by  her 
girdle  of  waves  seemed  as  it  were  to  impel  her 
to  strike  out  into  the  unbounded,  and  to  look 
upon  every  obstacle  as  a  wrong.  There  is  a  thread 
of  daring  lawlessness  running  through  all  England's 
world-struggles,  through  all  periods  of  her  history, 
right  down  to  the  present  day. 

"  When  England  speaks  of  humanity  she  means 
herself ;  her  cosmopolitan  utterances  refer  to 
her  own  nationality.  She  forgets  too  easily  that 
other  nations  have  arisen  on  the  earth  who  esteem 
their  own  distinguishing  traits  and  are  inspired 
by  the  ardent  desire  to  uphold  their  own  institu- 
tions, forms  of  Government  and  culture.  England 
believes  all  too  easily  that  the  world's  map  should 
be  all  one  colour.  But  the  soul  of  the  modern 
world  demands  variety."* 

There  is  no  important  objection  to  raise  against 
Professor  Marcks'  statement  of  EngHsh  history 
and  Britain's  favoured  position  on  the  surface  of 
the  globe.  Germany  did  not  choose  her  own 
geographical    situation    in    the    world — it    is    hers 

•  Ibid.,  297  et  seq. 

17* 


260  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

hy  nature  and  the  right  of  historical  succession. 
Britain  has  never  envied  her  or  endeavoured  to 
deprive  her  of  the  advantages  consequent  upon 
her    "  place   in    the    sun." 

Neither  did  the  British  select  their  island  home  ; 
destiny  and  history  were  again  the  determining 
factors.  But  it  would  be  a  travesty  of  the  truth 
to  assert  that  Germany  has  not  envied  her  that 
position,  together  with  the  advantages  arising  from 
it.  Yet  in  the  same  degree  as  the  inhabitants  of 
these  islands  have  used  the  "  talents  "  entrusted  to 
them  through  their  favourable  position,  Germany's 
jealousy  seems  to  have  become  more  bitterly  angry. 
By  right  of  birth  and  national  necessity  Germany 
demands  the  domination  of  the  Rhine,  but  she 
fails  to  recognize  that  right  of  birth  and  the 
demands  of  national  existence  compel  Britain 
to  claim  the  domination  of  the  seas. 

The  remainder  of  Professor  Marcks'  essay  is 
devoted  to  proving  that  "  the  freedon  of  our 
world  requires  that  it  shall  not  be  so  in  future." 
Whatever  motives  actuated  Germany  in  precipi- 
tating the  war,  this  much  is  now  evident — ^it  is 
her  supreme  desire  and  the  aim  of  her  highest 
endeavour  to  destroy  Britain's  favoured  situation 
and  every  advantage  accruing  to  her  from  it. 

To-day  the  issue  is  clear  and  simple  for 
Germany — the  annihilation  of  British  power  and 
influence  in  the  world.  Literally  hundreds  of 
German  war  books  echo  that  cry,  and,  above  all 
else,  it  is  the  hope  of  attaining  this  aim  which 


THE  INTELLECTUALS  AND  THE  WAR     261 

has  aroused  the  bitterest  war  fury  in  the  entire 
German  nation — man,  woman  and  child.  Reduced 
to  first  principles,  this  difference  of  geographical 
position  and  the  varying  advantages  arising  there- 
from are  the  prime  causes — if  not  the  cause — of 
the  present  world-struggle. 

It  was  solely  the  fear  of  perpetuating  British 
supremacy*  which  has  led  Germany  consistently 
to  reject  the  extended  hand  of  friendship.  Stand- 
ing side  by  side  with  Great  Britain,  either  in 
friendship  or  alliance,  Germany  would  have  given 
her  approval  to  Britain's  historical  position  in  the 
world.  When  this  country  departed  from  the 
policy  of  "  splendid  isolation  "  repeated  attempts 
were  made  to  establish  more  intimate  relations 
with  Germany  (i  898-1 902). 

But  as  Professor  Marcks  (p.  315)  observes  : 
"  Germany   refused   the   hand   extended   to   her." 


•  Graf  Ernst  zu  Reventlow :  **  Der  Vampir  des  Festlandes 
("England,  the  Vampire  of  the  Continent").  Berlin,  1915,  p.  117. 
"  England's  withdrawal  from  the  policy  which  sought  to  establish  a 
mutual  plan  of  procedure  in  world  politics  between  Germany  and  Britain 
dates  from  the  time  when  Britain  recognized  that  Germany  would  not 
allow  herself  to  be  employed  against  Russia.  In  Germany  to-day,  voices 
may  be  heard  proclaiming  that  von  Billow  chose  wrongly  in  refusing 
England's  offer,  especially  as  Russia  has  repaid  our  loyalty  and  friendship 
with  iniquitous  ingratitude.     The  latter  represents  the  truth. 

"  But  in  judging  the  policy  of  that  period  two  factors  must  be  borne 
in  mind.  The  acceptance  of  Great  Britain's  offer  would  have  placed  a 
tie  upon  the  German  Empire  which  would  have  been  unendurable. 
Germany  would  have  become  the  strong  but  stupid  Power,  whose  duty 
would  have  been  to  fight  British  battles  on  the  continent.  Besides 
which  the  choice  concerned  Germany's  world  future,  above  all  the 
development  of  the  German  war  fleet." 


262  WHAT   GERMANY  THINKS 

Count  Reventlow  and  a  host  of  other  writers 
have  chronicled  the  fact  too,  yet  on  September  2nd, 
1914,  the  German  Chancellor  dared  to  say  to 
representative  American  journalists  :  "  When  the 
archives  are  opened  then  the  world  will  learn 
how  often  Germany  has  offered  the  hand  of 
friendship  to  England." 

It  is  only  one  more  confirmation  that  the  "  law 
of  necessity "  is  incompatible  with  the  truth. 
The  truth  is  that  Germany  preferred  to  drive 
Britain  into  another  and  hostile  camp  rather 
than  have  her  friendship.  Germany  preferred 
British  hostility  rather  than  relinquish  her  plans 
for  unlimited  naval  expansion — which  she  believed 
to  be  the  only  means  of  destroying  Britain's 
position,  and  with  that  resolution  already  taken 
the  Kaiser  presented  his  photograph  to  a  dis- 
tinguished Englishman  with  this  significant  remark 
written  on  it  with  his  own  hand  :  "  I  bide  my 
time  !  " 

Although  Britain  drew  the  sword  to  defend 
Belgium,  the  supreme  issue — and  the  only  one 
which  occupies  the  German  mind  to-day — is 
whether  this  country  shall  continue  to  hold  the 
position  allotted  to  her  by  destiny  and  confirmed 
by  history,  or  whether  she  is  to  be  supplanted 
by  Germany.  That  is  the  one  political  thought 
which  permeates  German  intelligence  at  this 
moment,  and  no  other  considerations  must  be 
allowed  to  darken  this  issue. 

Professor    Oncken    reviews    the    events    of    the 


THE  INTELLECTUALS  AND  THE  WAR    263 

period  1900- 1 914  in  considerable  detail,  and  to 
him  the  policy  of  ententes  appears  to  be  the  main 
cause  leading  up  to  the  world  war.  From  this 
alone  it  is  obvious  that,  consciously  or  uncon- 
sciously, he  is  wrong  ;  the  ententes  in  themselves 
are  results,  not  prime  causes.  The  prime  causes 
leading  to  these  political  agreements  are  to  be 
found  in  Germany's  attitude  to  the  rest  of  Europe. 
In  a  word  they  were  defensive  actions  taken  by 
the  Powers  concerned,  as  a  precaution  against 
German  aggression. 

German  aggression  consisted  in  committing 
herself  to  unlimited  armaments,  cherishing  the 
irreconcilable  determination  to  be  the  strongest 
European  power.  According  to  her  doctrine  of 
might,  everything  can  be  attained  by  the  mightiest. 
British  advances  she  answered  with  battleships, 
simultaneously  provoking  France  and  Russia  by 
increasing  her  army  corps.  The  balance  of  power 
in  Europe,  Germany  declares  to  be  an  out-of-date 
British  fad,  invented  solely  in  the  interests  of 
these  islands. 

In  secret  Germany  has  long  been  an  apostate 
to  the  balance-of -power  theory ;  the  war  has 
caused  her  to  drop  the  mask,  and  it  was  without 
doubt  her  resolve  never  to  submit  to  the  chains 
of  the  balance  in  Europe,  which  forced  three  other 
States  to  waive  their  differences  and  form  the 
Triple  Entente.  Simply  stated  this  is  cause  and 
result.  But  Professor  Oncken  maintains — and  in 
doing    so    he    voices   German  national  opinion — 


264  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

that  the  entire  entente  policy  was  a  huge  scheme 
to  bring  about  Germany's  downfall. 

He  goes  further  and  proclaims  that  the  Hague 
Conference  (1907)  was  a  British  trick  to  place 
the  guilt  of  armaments  on  Germany's  shoulders. 
"  England  filled  the  world  with  disarmament 
projects  so  that  afterwards,  full  of  unction,  she 
could  denounce  Germany  as  the  disturber  of  the 
peace.  At  that  time  the  Imperial  Chancellor 
answered  justly :  '  Pressure  cannot  be  brought 
to  bear  on  Germany,  not  even  moral  pressure  ! '  "* 
And  in  that  sentence  German  obstinacy  and  sullen 
irreconcilability  is  most  admirably  expressed. 

Having  seen  that  Professor  Oncken  has  failed 
to  recognize  the  prime  causes  which  provoked 
the  entente  policy,  it  is  not  surprising  to  find  him 
equally  in  error  when  discussing  the  diplomatic 
clashes  between  the  rival  camps.  The  professor 
calls  them  Machtprohen  ("  tests  of  power ")  ; 
but  how  he  can  dare  to  state  that  these  diplomatic 
trials  of  strength  were  engineered  by  Great 
Britain — remains  his  own  secret. 

"  King  Edward's  meeting  with  the  Czar  at 
Reval  in  June,  1908,  was  followed  by  a  far- 
reaching  Macedonian  reform  programme,  the 
commencement  of  the  division  of  European 
Turkey.  What  Britain  had  failed  to  induce 
Germany  to  help  her  in  executing,  was  to  be 
attained  with  the  sword's  point  directed  against 
Germany.     And  Britain  proceeded  in  cold  blood 

*  "  Deutschland  und  der  Weltkrieg,"  p.  495. 


THE  INTELLECTUALS  AND  THE  WAR    265 

to  conjure  up  an  era  of  might-struggles,  which, 
in  the  island  language,  is  called  preserving  the 
balance  of  power."* 

The  trials  of  strength  recounted  by  Oncken 
are  the  Bosnian  crisis,  the  Morocco  question,  and 
the  Austro-Serbian  quarrel  which  led  to  the 
present  war.  It  seems  banal  to  have  to  point 
out  that  Bosnia  was  unlawfully  annexed  by  Ger- 
many's vassal — Austria  ;  that  Germany,  herself, 
brought  Europe  to  the  verge  of  war  by  sending 
the  Panther  to  Agadir  ;  and  that  the  final  cata- 
strophic Machtprobe  was  likewise  provoked  by 
Germany's  eastern  vassal. 

For  good  or  evil  Germany  has  been  convinced 
for  nearly  two  decades  that  the  balance  of  power 
in  Europe  was  an  obstacle  to  her  world  future. 
Furthermore,  she  believed  that  the  balance  imposed 
fetters  upon  her  which  only  mighty  armaments 
could  break.  All  Germany's  energies  in  the 
domain  of  diplomacy  have  been  set  in  motion  to 
make  the  balance  of  power  a  mere  figment  of  the 
imagination. 

In  pursuing  this  end  it  has  suited  her  purpose 
to  declare  all  attempts  at  maintaining  the  outward 
appearances  of  equality  between  the  Powers  of 
Europe  to  be  Machiavellian  schemes  against  her 
existence ;  or  to  cite  the  Kaiser's  own  words, 
"  to  deprive  Germany  of  her  place  in  the  sun." 

Britain's  entente  policy  was  the  only  one  cal- 
culated   to    preserve    our    own    existence,    and    to 

•  Ibid.,  p.  297, 


266  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

restrain  Germany  from  establishing  a  hegemony 
in  Europe.  She  was  completely  convinced  that 
the  domination  of  Europe  belonged  to  her  by 
right  of  mental,  moral  and  military  superiority 
over  her  neighbours.  Not  in  vain  have  Germany's 
educational  institutions  inculcated  the  belief  in 
her  population  that  the  British  Empire  is  an  effete 
monstrosity  with  feet  of  clay ;  France  a  rotten, 
decaying  empire,  and  Russia  a  barbarian  Power 
with  no  new  Kultur  to  offer  Europe  except  the 
knout. 

Inspired  by  such  conceptions,  together  with 
an  astoundingly  exaggerated  idea  of  Germany's 
peerlessness  in  order,  discipline,  obedience,  morality, 
genius  and  other  ethical  values,  as  well  as  an 
unshaken  belief  in  Germany's  invincibility  by 
land  and  sea — the  entire  nation,  from  Kaiser  to 
cobbler,  has  long  since  held  that  by  right  of  these 
virtues — by  right  of  her  absolute  superiority  over 
all  other  nations — Germany  could  and  must  claim 
other  rights  and  powers  than  those  which  fell  to 
her  under  an  antiquated  balance  of  European 
power. 

In  few  words  that  is  the  gospel  of  Deutsch- 
land^  Deutschland  ilher  alles.  These  are  the 
motives  which  inspired  Germany's  naval  expan- 
sion and  forbade  her  to  accept  a  compromise. 
The  same  ideals  led  to  her  endeavours  to  shatter 
the  ententes^  and  it  is  alone  the  general  acceptance 
of  this  gospel,  which  explains  the  remarkable 
unanimity   with    which    the    German    nation   has 


THE  INTELLECTUALS  AND  THE  WAR    267 

stood  behind  the  Kaiser's  Government  in  each 
trial  of  strength.  They  have  learned  to  consider 
all  attempts  of  the  lesser  peoples  (Britain,  France 
and  Russia  included)  to  maintain  themselves 
against  the  Teutonic  onset  as  impudent  attacks 
on  sacred  Germany,  v^hich  also  illuminates  the 
fact  that  Germans  call  the  present  struggle — 
"  Germany's  holy,  sacred  war." 

German  statesmen  were  quite  clear  as  to  the 
national  course  at  least  fifteen  years  ago.  Hence 
they  have  persistently  pursued  a  policy  of  no 
compromise  and  no  agreements.  A  compromise 
recognizes  and  perpetuates,  in  part  at  least,  the 
very  thing  which  stands  in  the  way.  An  agree- 
ment with  Britain  in  regard  to  naval  armaments 
would  have  perpetuated  British  naval  supremacy, 
as  well  as  recognized  its  necessity.  Likewise 
an  agreement,  or  the  shadow  of  an  understanding 
with  France  on  the  question  of  Alsace-Lorraine 
would  have  been  a  recognition  of  French  claims. 
Hence  on  these  two  questions — which  are  merely 
given  as  examples  illustrative  of  German  mentality — 
every  attempt  at  an  agreement  has  been  a  failure. 

A  cardinal  point  in  Germany's  programme  has 
been  the  consistent  manner  in  which  she  has 
tried  to  separate  her  European  neighbours  from 
Britain  in  order  to  deal  with  them  separately  or 
alone.  That  her  endeavours  ended  in  failure 
is  due  to  the  instinct  of  self-preservation  which 
has  drawn  Germany's  opponents  closer  together, 
in  exact  proportion  to  the  increasing  force  of  her 


268  WHAT   GERMANY  THINKS 

efforts.  Both  in  peace  and  war,  Germany  desired 
and  endeavoured  to  switch  off  Britain's  influence 
in  Europe. 

The  diplomatic  battles  of  1905,  1908  and  191 1 
were  a  few  of  the  efforts  to  dislodge  Great  Britain 
from  her  ententes^  while  her  repeated  attempts 
to  buy  this  country's  neutrality,  down  to  the 
eve  of  war,  are  proof  that  Germany  wanted  a 
free  hand  in  Europe.*  If  she  had  succeeded  in 
her  purpose,  it  is  exceedingly  doubtful  whether 
any  Power  could  have  prevented  her  from  exercising 
a  free  hand  in  the  whole  world. 

Coming  down  to  the  last  trial  of  diplomatic 
power,  we  are  confronted  by  the  immovable 
fact,  that  it  too  was  a  challenge  on  the  part  of 
the  Central  Empires.  The  conditions  seemed 
peculiarly  favourable  to  them,  for  the  British 
Ambassador  declared  to  the  Russian  Government 
on  July  24th,  1 9 14,  that  Britain  would  never 
draw  the  sword  on  a  purely  Serbian  question. 
Moreover,  in  the  preceding  year,  a  British  minister, 
says  Professor  Schiemann,  had  given  what  we  may 

•  Professor  Schiemann :  "  WIe  England  elne  Verstandigung  mit 
Deutschland  verhinderte  "  ("  How  England  prevented  an  Understanding 
with  Germany  ").  Berlin,  191 5  ;  pp.  20-21  :  "  From  the  very  commence- 
ment Berlin  was  convinced  that  the  probability  of  a  combined  Franco- 
Russian  attack  was  exceedingly  small,  if  England's  entrance  to  this 
Gcrmanophobe  combination  could  be  prevented.  Therefore  we 
endeavoured  to  secure  England's  neutrality  in  case  of  war  (1909),  that 
is,  if  an  Anglo-German  alliance  could  not  be  achieved — an  alliance  which 
would  have  guaranteed  the  world's  peace."  (Schiemann's  insinuation 
that  Germany  desired  an  alliance  is  an  instance  of  suggestio  falsi. 
Germany  had  decided  in  1902  never  to  conclude  an  alliance  with  this 
country. — Author.) 


THE  INTELLECTUALS  AND  THE  WAR    269 

style  a  remarkable  semi-official  promise  that  Great 
Britain  would  never  go  to  war  with  Germany. 

''On  February  i8th,  1913,  Mr.  Charles 
Trevelyan,  M.P.,  paid  me  a  visit,  and  assured  me 
with  the  greatest  certainty  that  England  would 
under  no  circumstances  wage  war  on  Germany. 
A  ministry  which  made  preparations  for  war, 
would  be  immediately  overthrown."* 

Professor  Schiemann  affirms  that  his  good 
impression  was  strengthened  by  a  visit  to  London 
during  March  and  April,  1914,  and  reports  a 
conversation  which  he  had  with  Lord  Haldane 
when  dining  privately  with  the  latter  in  London. 
After  returning  to  Berlin,  he  says  he  received  a 
letter  from  Lord  Haldane  dated  April  17th,  1914, 
but  from  Schiemann's  quotation  it  is  not  evident 
whether  the  following  is  an  extract  or  the  entire 
letter : 

"  It  was  a  great  pleasure  to  see  you  and  to  have 
had  the  full  and  unreserved  talk  we  had  together. 
My  ambition  is  like  yours,  to  bring  Germany  and 
Great  Britain  into  relations  of  ever-closer  intimacy 
and  friendship.  Our  two  countries  have  a  common 
work  to  do  for  the  world  as  well  as  for  themselves, 


•  Ibid.,  p.  27.  In  the  light  of  this  revelation  it  would  be  interesting 
to  know  what  was  the  real  motive  which  induced  Mr.  Trevelyan  to  resign 
his  office  when  war  broke  out.  Either  he  was  conscious  of  having  seriously 
compromised  his  position  as  a  Minister  of  the  Crown,  or  he  conscien- 
tiously believed  that  Britain  was  drawing  the  sword  in  an  unjust  cause. 
Unfortunately  a  section  of  the  British  public  accepted  the  latter  interpre- 
tation. In  any  case,  Mr.  Trevelyan's  indiscretion  affords  overwhelming 
proof  that  he  had  an  utterly  false  conception  of  Germany. — Author, 


270  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

and  each  of  them  can  bring  to  bear  on  this  work 
special  endowments  and  quahties.  May  the  co- 
operation which  I  beHeve  is  now  beginning  become 
closer  and  closer.* 

"  Of  this  I  am  sure,  the  more  wide  and  unselfish 
the  nations  and  the  groups  questions  make  her 
supreme  purposes  of  their  policies,  the  more  will 
frictions  disappear,  and  the  sooner  will  the  relations 
that  are  normal  and  healthy  reappear.f  Some- 
thing of  this  good  work  has  now  come  into  existence 
between  our  two  peoples.  We  must  see  to  it  that 
the  chance  of  growth  is  given. "J 

It  is  not  difficult  to  conceive  that  such  utter- 
ances, on  the  part  of  two  British  ministers,  would 
raise  hopes  in  the  German  mind,  for  it  would  be 
useless  to  imagine  that  Professor  Schiemann  would 
keep  them  secret  for  his  own  private  edification. 
And  it  is  possible  that  they  led  the  German 
Government  into  a  false  reckoning  as  to  what  this 
country  would  do  under  certain  circumstances,  and 
so  encouraged  Germany  into  taking  up  an  irre- 
concilable attitude  in  the  crisis  of  July,  19 14. 

Whatever  Germany  expected  must,  however, 
for  the  present,  remain  a  matter  of  conjecture. 
Schiemann's  comment  on  the  above  letter  leaves 

•  Lord  Haldane  has  stated  during  the  war  that  his  visit  to  Berlin  in 
191 2  had  filled  his  mind  with  doubt  and  suspicion  in  regard  to  Germany. 
— Author. 

t  A  word  or  phrase  appears  to  have  been  dropped  in  this  sentence. 
— Author. 

X  Professor  Schiemann's  book,  pp.  27-8. 


THE  INTELLECTUALS  AND  THE  WAR    271 

no  doubt  that  he  expected  Lord  Haldane*  to 
resign.  "  When  one  remembers  that  Lord  Haldane 
belonged  to  the  inner  circle  of  the  Cabinet,  and  was 
therefore  privy  to  all  the  secret  moves  of  Sir  Edward 
Grey,  it  is  hard  to  believe  in  the  sincerity  of  the 
sentiments  expressed  in  this  letter.  Besides,  he 
did  not  resign  like  three  other  members  of  the 
Cabinet  (Lord  Morley,  Burns  and  Charles  Tre- 
velyan)  when  Sir  Edward's  foul  play  lay  open  to 
the  world  on  August  4th." 

The  most  regrettable  side  of  the  whole  incident 
is  that  the  resignation  of  the  above  gentlemen  has 
been  proclaimed  by  innumerable  German  writers 
as  proof  of  Sir  Edward  Grey's  double  dealing,  and 
proof  that  Britain  is  waging  an  unjust  war.  Still, 
it  may  console  these  gentlemen  to  know  that  the 
nation  which  wages  war  on  women  and  children 
acclaims  them  to-day  "  all  honourable  men,"  and 
doubtless  without  the  Shakespearian  intonation. 

By  reason  of  the  above  incidents,  and  more  of  a 
similar  nature,  Germans  accuse  the  late  Liberal 
Government  with  perfidy  of  the  basest  kind.  The 
author  is  not  in  the  least  inclined  to  admit  the 
charge,  but  thinks,  rather,  that  the  Government 
in  question — individually  and  collectively — was 
astonishingly  ignorant  of  European  conditions  and 
problems,  especially  those  prevailing  in  the  Ger- 
manic Empires. 

*  Lord  Haldane  seems  to  have  injured  his  reputation  both  in  Great 
Britain  and  Germany.  Professor  Oncken  designates  him  :  "  the  one- 
time friend  of  Germany,  the  decoy-bird  of  the  British  cabinet."  Vide 
'*  Deutschland  und  der  Weltkrieg,"  p.  561. 


272  WHAT  GEBMANY  THINKS 

To  what  a  degree  Germany  was  obsessed  hy  the 
idea  that  Britain  was  trying  to  strangle  her  by  an 
encircling  poHcy,  is  apparent  in  a  diplomatic 
document  quoted  by  Professor  Oncken.  Its 
author's  name  is  not  given,  and  it  was  doubtless 
a  secret  report  sent  to  the  German  Foreign  Office 
in  191 2  ;  its  freedom  from  bias  is  also  questionable. 
Moreover,  it  is  probable  that  it  belongs  to  the  same 
category  of  documents  as  those  quoted  in  the 
French  Yellow  Book — reports  intended  to  exercise 
due  influence  on  the  mind  of  the  Emperor. 

"  French  diplomacy  is  succeeding  more  and  more 
in  entangling  England  in  the  meshes  of  her  net. 
The  encouragement  which  England  gives,  directly 
or  indirectly,  to  French  chauvinism  may  one  day 
end  in  a  catastrophe  in  which  English  and  French 
soldiers  must  pay  with  their  blood  on  French 
battlefields  for  England's  encircling  policy.  The 
seeds  sown  by  King  Edward  are  springing  up." 

Another  link  in  the  chain  of  proof  of  Britain's 
guilt,  is  found  in  the  documents  seized  by  the 
Germans  in  Brussels.  The  enemy  seems  to  attach 
great  importance  to  them,  for  they  are  being 
employed  in  much  the  same  way  that  parliamentary 
candidates  use  pamphlets  during  an  election.  Yet 
they  do  not  contain  a  particle  of  proof  that  Britain 
had  hostile  intentions  against  Germany,  but  only 
confirm  the  presence  of  the  German  menace. 

The  documents*  in  question  are  reports  sent  by 

•  Published  by  the  Berlin  Government  as  supplements  to  the  Nord' 
deutsche  Allgemeine  Zeitung,  July  29th  and  3i8t;   August  4th,  8th  and 

I2th,   I915. 


THE  INTELLECTUALS  AND  THE  WAR    273 

the  Belgian  Legation  Secretaries  in  London,  Paris 
and  Berlin  to  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  in 
Brussels.  These  gentlemen  held  opinions  identical 
with  those  expressed  again  and  again  in  German 
newspapers,  and  even  in  some  British  and  French 
organs.  Messieurs  Comte  de  Lalaing  (London), 
Greindl  (Berlin),  Leghait  (Paris),  evidently  believed 
that  the  activities  of  the  Triple  Alliance  and  the 
Triple  Entente  endangered  the  peace  of  Europe. 

Further  they  believed  the  latter  constellation 
to  be  the  more  aggressive  of  the  two,  and  formally 
reported  these  convictions  to  the  Belgian  Govern- 
ment. If  read  as  a  modern  edition  of  "  Pepys' 
Diary  "  they  form  entertaining  literature,  but  by 
no  stretch  of  the  imagination  could  they  be  classed 
as  historical  sources.  A  gentleman  who  reports 
to  his  Government  that  King  Edward  took  break- 
fast in  company  with  M.  Delcasse  and  that  the 
Press  had  neglected  to  chronicle  the  incident,  can 
hardly  rank  as  an  historian. 

Moreover,  it  is  by  no  means  clear  why  the  German 
Press  should  laud  M.  Greindl  as  a  gentleman  of 
German  origin.  If  this  be  true  it  would  probably 
explain  everything  which  deserves  explanation  in  the 
said  documents,  and  would  probably  account  for  the 
intimate,  confidential  treatment  which  M.  Greindl 
received  at  the  hands  of  German  officials. 

German  newspapers  are  gloating  over  the  fact 
that  the  British  Government  has  not  deigned  to 
reply  to  these  "  revelations."  There  is  really 
nothing    to   which  it   can  reply ;    three   observers 

i8 


274  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

expressed  their  opinion  on  contemporaneous  hap- 
penings during  the  years  1905-1911.  But  a  brutal 
sequence  of  events  in  19 14  showed  them — if  they 
had  not  been  convinced  during  the  preceding  three 
years — that  they  had  drawn  false  conclusions  from 
their  observations. 

To  return  to  the  last  trial  of  strength  between 
the  two  groups  of  European  Powers,  it  is  interesting 
to  note  that  Professor  Oncken  denies  German 
participation  in  formulating  the  ultimatum  to 
Serbia,  or  that  Germany  was  aware  of  its  contents. 
Germany  merely  left  Austria  a  free  hand  in  the 
matter.  Oncken  endeavours  to  show  that  Austria's 
demands  were  not  excessive,  and  expresses  astonish- 
ment that  the  opposing  Powers  found  them  exorbi- 
tant. He  does  not  mention  the  fact  that  a  large 
section  of  the  German  nation  held  the  same  opinion 
on  July  25th,  1914. 

His  comment  on  Sir  Edward  Grey's  efforts  for 
peace  is  characteristic  :  "  England  claims  that  she 
did  everything  possible  to  preserve  the  peace.  It 
cannot  be  denied  that  Grey  made  a  series  of  media- 
tion proposals.  But  mere  good-will  is  not  every- 
thing. It  is  much  more  important  to  weigh  their 
practical  importance,  and  the  goal  at  which  they 
aimed :  Whether  they  were  intended  to  preserve 
the  world's  peace  under  conditions  honourable  for 
all  parties,  or  calculated  to  obtain  for  the  Entente 
a  one-sided  diplomatic  victory  which  would  have 
established  its  future  predominance."* 

•  "  Deutschland  und  der  Weltkrieg,"  p.  544. 


THE  INTELLECTUALS  AND  THE  WAR    275 

"  Grey  considered  the  moment  suitable  for  a 
mediation  proposal.  On  the  evening  of  July  26th, 
after  obtaining  Russia's  consent,  he  proposed  to 
the  Governments  of  France,  Germany  and  Italy 
that  their  London  ambassadors  should  meet  in 
London  to  confer  on  a  peaceful  solution  of  the 
conflict. 

"  The  proposal  was  unacceptable  to  Austria, 
because  it  would  have  been  an  indirect  recognition 
on  her  part  of  Russia's  interest  in  the  conflict. 

"  Only  those  who  had  followed  the  growing  inti- 
macy of  the  mutual  obligations  between  the  Entente 
Powers,  and  their  organization  to  a  *  London 
Centre  '  during  the  summer  of  1914,  are  able  to 
estimate  the  role — to  say  nothing  of  Italy — which 
Russia's  two  comrades  would  have  played  in  the 
conference.  During  its  course  Russia  would  have 
continued  her  military  preparations,  while  Ger- 
many would  have  had  to  pledge  herself  not  to 
mobilize. 

"  Finally,  no  unprejudiced  observer  would  dare 
assert  that  the  man  (Sir  Edward  Grey)  who  was 
ready  to  transform  himself  at  a  suitable  opportu- 
nity into  an  ally  of  Russia,  would  have  been  an 
impartial  chairman  in  a  conference  held  under  the 
pressure  of  a  Russian  mobilization.  The  more 
one  thinks  about  this  mediation  proposal  the  more 
convinced  one  becomes,  that  it  would  at  least  have 
worked  for  a  diplomatic  victory  for  the  Entente 
Powers. 

*'  Grey  put  the  whole  machinery  of  the  Triple 

18* 


276  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

Entente  in  motion  in  order  to  force  back  Germany 
and  Austria-Hungary  along  the  whole  line."* 

An  analysis  of  Professor  Oncken's  theses  gives 
the  following  results  :  First,  Britain's  efforts  to 
preserve  peace  are  admitted,  but  he  fails  to  mention 
any  friendly  advances  to  meet  them.  Secondly, 
the  fundamental  principle  underlying  the  Ger- 
manic attitude  is  again  exposed,  viz.,  that  Russia 
had  no  right  to  intervene  in  a  question  affecting 
the  balance  of  power  in  the  Balkans  and  in  Europe 
(vide,  p.  63).  Thirdly,  a  diplomatic  struggle 
was  in  progress  along  the  whole  line,  between  the 
two  groups  of  Powers. 

In  weighing  the  second  point  it  would  be  wrong 
to  assume  that  the  Central  Empires  were  not  fully 
aware  of  the  presence  of  a  far  more  vital  question 
behind  the  Austro-Serbian  conflict.  They  knew 
it  from  the  very  beginning  and  had  already  ex- 
pressed threats  in  St.  Petersburg,  hoping  to  achieve 
the  same  effect  as  in  the  Bosnian  crisis.  If  Austria 
had  been  allowed  to  destroy  Serbia's  military  power 
the  material  forces  of  Europe  would  have  been 
seriously  disturbed ;  the  ineffectiveness  of  the 
Triple  Entente  finally  established,  and  its  dissolu- 
tion the  inevitable  consequence. 

If  these  considerations  are  correct  then  the  state- 
ment attributed  by  M.  de  L'Escaille  (see  p.  281) 
to  Sir  George  Buchanan  that  Britain  would  never 
draw  the  sword  could  only  have  served  to  strengthen 
the  resolution  of  the  Germanic  Powers  in  enforcing 

*  Ibid.,  p.  545  et  seq. 


THE  INTELLECTUALS  AND  THE  WAR    277 

their  point  Germany  above  all  desired  that  the 
balance  of  power  theory  should  be  finally  smashed, 
and  it  may  be  safely  assumed  that  an  Austro-Serbian 
conflict  seemed  to  her  a  most  fitting  opportunity 
to  realize  her  purpose. 

The  third  point  suggests  two  questions.  Who 
provoked  the  diplomatic  conflict,  and  who  would 
have  benefited  most  by  a  diplomatic  victory  ? 
A  reply  to  the  first  question  is  superfluous,  and  the 
answer  to  the  second  is  obvious  from  the  preceding 
line  of  reasoning.  Germany  would  have  reached 
the  goal  towards  which  she  had  striven  for  more 
than  a  decade — the  removal  of  all  diplomatic 
hindrances  to  the  unlimited  assertion  of  her  will  in 
Europe.  It  may  even  be  doubted  whether  the 
Dual  Alliance  would  have  survived  the  shock. 

Another  phase  of  Professor  Oncken's  work  is  the 
open  attack  on  Sir  Edward  Grey.  Only  three  years 
ago  this  statesman  was  acclaimed  in  Germany  as  a 
man  of  peace — the  man  who  had  prevented  the 
Balkan  War  from  becoming  a  European  conflagra- 
tion. To-day  he  is  accused  by  the  same  nation  of 
being  the  originator  of  the  world  war. 

Oncken*  goes  back  to  the  year  1905  and  states 
that  Sir  Edward  Grey  initiated  only  two  members 
of  the  Cabinet — Mr.  Asquith  and  Lord  Haldane — 
into  the  details  of  the  agreement  with  France, 
and  these  three  gentlemen  he  refers  to  as  the  "  inner 

*  The  authorities  (?)  most  frequently  cited  by  Professor  Oncken  in 
making  out  his  case  are  Messrs.  Morel,  Macdonald,  Hardie,  G.  B.  Shaw 
and  the  Labour  Leader. — Author. 


278  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

circle."  King  Edward,  and  afterwards  Sir  Edward 
Grey  in  continuing  the  late  King's  policy,  succeeded 
in  harnessing  the  revanche  idee  and  the  spirit  of 
Russian  aggression  to  the  chariot  of  British  Imperi- 
alism. All  offers  of  friendship  made  by  this 
country  were  insincere.  (The  professorial  pleader 
does  not  say  so,  but  he  leaves  his  readers  to  infer 
that  sincerity  is  a  German  monopoly.)  Concern- 
ing the  British  Minister's  declaration  in  Parliament 
that  no  secret  treaty  existed  with  France,  Oncken 
remarks  :  "  The  declaration  was  just  as  true  for- 
mally as  it  was  a  lie  in  essentials." 

Following  the  development  of  events  after  the 
conference  proposal  had  been  dropped,  Oncken 
writes :  "  Meanwhile  the  Russian  Government 
endeavoured  to  persuade  England's  leading  states- 
man that  the  opinion  prevailed  in  Germany  and 
Austria,  that  England  would  remain  neutral  in 
every  case,  in  consequence  of  this  delusion  the 
Central  Powers  were  obdurate.  England  could  only 
dispel  the  danger  of  war  by  destroying  this  false 
conception,  i.e.,  openly  joining  Russia  and  France. 

"  It  is  noteworthy  how  quickly  Grey  assimilated 
this  train  of  thought.  Disregarding  the  sugges- 
tions of  the  British  Ambassador  in  St.  Petersburg, 
he  did  nothing  to  exercise  a  moderating  influence 
upon  Russia  and  thereby  further  the  success  of  the 
conversations  between  Vienna  and  St.  Petersburg. 
On  the  other  hand,  he  proceeded  to  take  steps 
which  probably  in  his  opinion,  were  calculated  to 
damp  the  supposed  desire  for  war  on  the  part  of 


THE  INTELLECTUALS  AND  THE  WAR    279 

Germany.  Practically,  the  result  of  all  his  actions 
was  to  exercise  one-sided  pressure  upon  Germany 
and  Austria  and  simultaneously,  through  unmistak- 
able declarations  concerning  England's  eventual 
attitude,  to  encourage  Paris  and  St.  Petersburg 
to  energetic  measures. 

"  But  all  hopes  for  peace  were  destroyed  at  a 
single  blow  by  Russia.  On  the  evening  of  July  30th 
after  the  conversations  with  Austria-Hungary  had 
been  resumed,  Sasonow  increased  his  demands — 
and  in  truth  with  England's  co-operation — to  such  a 
degree  that  their  acceptance  would  have  meant  the 
complete  submission  of  the  Dual  Monarchy. 

"  And  as  if  this  were  insufficient,  a  few  hours 
later,  before  a  reply  had  been  received  and  while 
negotiations  were  proceeding  in  Vienna,  Russia 
suddenly  broke  off  the  communications  with  a 
momentous  decision  (mobilization).  The  cer- 
tainty which  she  had  gained  from  the  moves  of 
English  diplomacy,  that  in  case  of  war  she  was 
sure  of  France's  support  and  with  it  England's, 
turned  the  scale — against  peace. 

"  That  this  calculation  was  decisive  for  Russia's 
change  of  front  is  confirmed  by  a  witness  whose 
impartiality  even  our  opponents  will  admit."* 

Professor  Oncken  then  supports  his  argument 
with  quotations  from  a  letter  written  by  the  Belgian 
Legation  Secretary  in  St.  Petersburg  to  his  Govern- 
ment. The  letter  was  doubtless  stolen  while  in 
transit  by  the  Berlin  postal  authorities.     Monsieur 

•  "  Deutschland  und  der  Weltkrieg,"  pp.  553-4. 


280  WHAT   GERMANY   THINKS 

B.  de  I'Escaille  wrote  the  letter  on  July  30th, 
despatched  it  by  courier  to  Berlin,  where  it  was 
posted  on  the  following  day.  The  outside  envelope 
was  addressed  to  Madame  Costermans,  107  Rue 
Froissard,  Bruxelles  ;  inside  was  a  letter  addressed 
to  M.  Darignon,  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs. 
German  writers  state  that  no  letters  were  forwarded 
to  foreign  countries  after  martial  law  was  pro- 
claimed on  July  31st  (a  statement  which  is  untrue), 
thus  it  fell  into  their  hands. 

Overwhelming  importance  is  attached  to  this 
document  by  German  war  writers.  The  more 
important  passages  of  the  despatch  run  as  follows  : 
"  The  last  two  days  have  passed  in  the  expectation 
of  events  which  are  bound  to  follow*  upon  Austria- 
Hungary's  declaration  of  war  against  Serbia.  The 
most  contradictory  reports  were  in  circulation,  with- 
out any  possibility  of  confirming  their  truth  or  falsity. 

"  One  thing  is,  however,  indisputable,  viz.,  that 
Germany  has  done  everything  possible  both  here 
and  in  Viennat  to  find  a  means  of  avoiding  a  general 
conflict,  but  has  only  been  met  with  the  determina- 
tion of  the  Vienna  cabinet,  on  the  one  hand,  not  to 
yield  a  single  step,  and  on  the  other  hand 
Russian  distrust  of  Vienna's  declaration  that  they 
merely  intend  a  punitive  expedition  against  Serbia. 

"  One  must  really  believe  that  everybody  wants 

•  Thus  the  impartial  witness  whom  Germans  quote  to  prove  their 
innocence  definitely  states  that  Russia  had  no  other  course  left  open  to 
her  by  Austria's  actions. — Author. 

t  How  could  M.  de  I'Escaille  know  what  had  passed  in  Vienna  ? — 
Author. 


THE  INTELLECTUALS  AND  THE  WAR     281 

war,  and  is  only  anxious  to  postpone  the  declara- 
tion in  order  to  gain  time.  At  first  England  gave 
out,  that  she  would  not  allow  herself  to  be  drawn 
into  a  conflict.  Sir  George  Buchanan  said  that 
definitely.  But  to-day  they  are  firmly  convinced 
in  St.  Petersburg,  indeed  they  have  received  an 
assurance,  that  England  will  stand  by  France. 
This  support  is  of  extraordinary  importance,  and 
has  contributed  not  a  little  to  the  war-party 
gaining  the  upper  hand. 

"  In  the  cabinet  sitting  held  yesterday,  there 
were  differences  of  opinion,  and  the  mobilization 
order  was  postponed.  This  morning  at  four 
o'clock  mobilization  was  ordered. 

"  The  Russian  army  feels  itself  strong,  and  is 
full  of  enthusiasm.  The  reorganization  of  the  navy 
is  still  so  incomplete  that  it  would  be  out  of  the 
count  in  case  of  war.  For  that  reason  England's 
assurance  of  help  was  of  the  greatest  consequence."* 

If  Professor  Oncken  is  correct  in  stating  that 
Sir  Edward  Grey's  measures  were  calculated  to 
exercise  a  pressure  on  Germany  and  Austria,  then 
he  merely  confirms  what  this  country  has  hitherto 
believed — Sir  Edward  Grey  acted  rightly.  Where 
else  should  he  have  exerted  pressure  except  in 
the  quarter  from  whence  a  provocative,  insolent 
challenge  had  proceeded  ? 

With  regard  to  the  assertion  that  Russia — 
stiffened      by      England — took      a      "  momentous 

*  "  Kriegs-Depeschen,  1914"  ("German  War-Telegrams,  1914"). 
Berlin,  1914*,  p.  96  ^/  seq. 


282 


WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 


decision  "  on  the  evening  of  July  30th,  Professor 
Oncken  is  guilty  of  distortion.  The  decision  to 
mobilize  had  been  taken  earlier,  and  as  M. 
de  I'Escaille  wrote,  was  made  public  at  four  o'clock 
on  the  morning  of  July  30th. 

Whether  Russia  had  increased  her  demands 
("  peremptorily  sharpened  "  are  Oncken's  words) 
the  reader  can  judge  for  himself  by  comparing  the 
two  texts. 


I 

"  If  Austria,  recogniz- 
ing that  the  Austro- 
Serbian  question  has 
assumed  the  character 
of  a  European  question, 
declares  herself  ready  to 
eliminate  from  her  ulti- 
matum the  points  which 
infringe  the  sovereign 
rights  of  Serbia,  Russia 
engages  to  stop  her 
military  preparations." 
(Russian  Orange  Book, 
No.  60.) 


II 

"  If  Austria  agrees  to 
stay  the  advance  of  her 
troops  on  Serbian  terri- 
tory, and  if,  recognizing 
that  the  Austro-Serbian 
dispute  has  assumed  the 
character  of  a  question 
of  European  interest,  she 
admits  that  the  Great 
Powers  shall  examine 
the  satisfaction  which 
Serbia  might  give  to 
the  Austro  -  Hungarian 
Government  without 
affecting  her  sovereign 
rights  and  independ- 
ence, Russia  undertakes 
to  maintain  her  wait- 
ing attitude."  (French 
Yellow  Book,  No.  113.) 


THE  INTELLECTUALS  AND  THE  WAR     283 

Oncken,  in  making  this  comparison,  comments  : 
"  It  is  most  remarkable  that  the  original  formula 
chosen  by  Sasonow  had  been  peremptorily 
sharpened  {einschneidend  verschdrft)  on  July  31st 
at  the  request  of  the  British  Ambassador.  This 
interference  by  England  in  the  formulation  of  the 
proposal  must  arouse  the  gravest  doubt  regarding 
the  peaceful  tendencies  of  England's  policy. 
Sasonow  had  every  reason  to  thank  Grey  '  for  the 
firm,  amicable  tone  v^hich  he  has  employed  in  his 
pourparlers  with  Germany  and  Austria.'  "* 

Sir  Edward  Grey  had  proposed  five  days  earlier 
(July  26th)  that  all  military  measures  should  cease 
pending  a  settlement.  Hence  the  introduction 
of  this  clause  is  not  a  new  demand.  Moreover, 
in  the  meantime  Russia  and  Germany — in  spite 
of  the  latter's  denial — had  commenced  to  mobilize  ; 
Austria  had  mobilized  and  commenced  hostilities 
against  Serbia.  Thus  there  were  far  more  urgent 
reasons  to  include  the  cessation  of  military  measures 
on  July  31st  than  before.  Lastly,  it  was  the  only 
acceptable  pledge  of  Austrian  sincerity  which 
Russia  could  accept.  Whether  the  formula  would 
have  met  with  Austria's  approval  cannot  be  deter- 
mined, for  Austria  was  saved  from  what  Oncken 
terms  "  complete  submission  "  by  Germany's  ulti- 
matum to  Russia,  despatched  on  the  same  day, 
July  31st. 

It  is  impossible  to  get  rid  of  the  suspicion  that 

*  "  Deutschland  und  der  Weltkrieg,"  p.  553.     Oncken's  quotation  in 
the  last  line  is  taken  from  the  Russian  Orange  Book,  No.  69. 


284  WHAT  GERMANY   THINKS 

Germany  thought  Austria  might  accept  the  pro- 
posal ;  in  any  case,  Germany  dehberately  shattered 
the  last  chance  of  a  settlement  by  her  demand  that 
Russia  should  demobilize. 

If  Germany  outwardly  worked  for  peace  in 
St.  Petersburg,  as  M.  de  I'Escaille  states,  it  would 
be  quite  in  harmony  with  the  methods  of  German 
diplomacy.  But,  as  the  same  gentleman  testifies  : 
"  Austria  would  not  yield  a  step  " — the  conclusion 
must  be  drawn  that  Germany  had  ordered  her 
to  stand  firm.  Austria  did  not  yield  a  single 
inch,  and  so  it  is  a  matter  of  indifference  as  to 
the  sincerity  or  otherwise  of  Germany's  peace 
endeavours. 

Oncken  further  mentions  Britain's  refusal  to 
remain  neutral  in  return  for  a  promise  that  French 
territory  should  not  be  annexed,  but  he  omits 
the  question  of  French  colonies.  His  analysis 
of  the  Belgian  question  deserves  quotation  :  "  Grey 
was  seeking  an  excuse  for  war,  and  he  found  one 
in  the  question  of  Belgian  neutrality.  It  was 
just  such  a  reason  as  he  required  in  order  to  carry 
away  the  Cabinet,  Parliament  and  public  opinion. 
And  since  then  that  reason  has  been  much  dis- 
cussed, accompanied  by  appeals  to  international 
law  and  humanity,  by  England's  and  the  world's 
Press. 

"  But  there  is  more  than  one  irrefutable  proof 
at  hand,  to  show  that  this  reason  for  war,  was 
merely  a  veil  covering  the  real  ones.  Anticipating 
Grey's  intentions,  before  the  German  Government 


THE  INTELLECTUALS  AND  THE  WAR     285 

had  finally  declared  themselves  on  the  subject,* 
Prince  Lichnowsky  put  the  question  to  Sir  Edward 
Grey  on  August  1st,  as  to  whether  England  would 
remain  neutral  if  Germany  undertook  to  respect 
the  neutrality  of  Belgium. 

"  Grey,  however,  refused  to  give  the  pledge 
with  which  he  could — if  he  was  really  concerned 
about  Belgium — have  spared  that  unhappy  land 
its  terrible  fate.  But  by  these  means  the  trump 
card  of  Belgian  neutrality  had  been  taken  from 
our  opponent's  hand  in  advance.  Yet  Grey 
actually  considered  it  permissible  to  conceal  this 
offer  from  the  British  Cabinet.  Yes,  he  dared 
even  more. 

"  After  the  matter  had  been  mentioned  by 
Ramsay  Macdonald  in  the  Labour  Leader,  Keir 
Hardie  asked  a  question  in  the  House  of  Commons 
on  August  27th,  as  to  whether  Lichnowsky's  proposal 
had  been  submitted  to  the  Cabinet,  and  why  the 
same  had  not  been  made  the  basis  of  peaceful 
negotiations  with  Germany.  Grey  made  a  weak 
attempt  to  discriminate  between  official  proposals 
made  by  a  government,  and  a  private  question 
asked  by  an  ambassador. 

"  When  the  inconvenient  questioner  asked  for 
further  information,  he  was  cried  down.  The 
Oxford  theologian  Conybeare  gained  the  impres- 
sion from  this  Parliamentary  incident  :  '  That 
all  Sir  Edward  Grey's  answers  to  Mr.  Keir  Hardie's 

•  Britain  had  asked  Germany  a  day  or  two  before,  whether  she  would 
respect  Belgium's  neutrality. — Author. 


286  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

questions  are  examples  of  suppressio  veri  and 
suggestio  falsi. ^  His  later  revocation  of  this  judg- 
ment does  not  alter  its  value  as  objective  evidence. 

"  After  Grey's  refusal,  Prince  Lichnov^sky 
pressed  him  to  formulate  England's  conditions 
for  her  neutrality.  At  the  same  time  the  Ambassa- 
dor increased  his  offer  of  July  29th  by  proposing 
to  guarantee  the  integrity  of  France  and  her  colonies 
in  return  for  England's  neutrality.  Grey  suppressed 
this  proposal  too  before  the  Cabinet,  as  any  negotia- 
tion on  this  basis  would  have  thwarted  his  pre- 
conceived plans.  Only  an  immovable  determina- 
tion for  war  can  explain  this  behaviour. 

"  Even  before  he  could  assume  that  Belgian 
neutrality  was  in  danger,  he  pledged  English  policy 
to  the  wishes  of  France.  On  the  afternoon  of  the 
same  August  ist,  he  gave  the  French  Ambassador — 
who  was  anxiously  pressing  for  a  decision — reason  to 
believe  that  he  would  be  able  to  give  a  formal 
promise  on  the  following  day.  At  the  Cabinet 
meeting  on  August  2nd — the  same  in  which  he 
suppressed  Germany's  offer ! — he  got  a  motion 
accepted  empowering  him  to  assure  Cambon  that 
if  Germany  attacked  the  French  coast,  England 
would  intervene." 

It  is  necessary  to  return  to  Germany's  pro- 
posal in  regard  to  Belgian  neutrality.  In  simple 
language  it  means  that  Germany  wanted  to  sell 
her  pledged  word,  given  in  1839,  for  British 
neutrality  in  19 14.  In  view  of  the  fact  that 
Professor  Oncken  looked  upon  this  as  a  legitimate 


THE  INTELLECTUALS  AND  THE  WAR    287 

bargain,  one  wonders  in  silence  at  his  standard 
of  morality  and  honour.  Is  he  not  a  scoundrel 
who  first  gives  his  word  of  honour  and  afterwards 
tries  to  strike  a  bargain  with  the  same  ?  Stripped 
of  all  verbiage  that  is  Germany's  proposal  in  its 
naked  immorality,  and  the  author  chronicles  with 
pleasure  that  the  House  of  Commons  cried  down 
even  its  discussion.  It  recalls  to  his  memory  the 
fact,  that  the  Reichstag — Germany's  highest  legis- 
lative assembly — cheered  to  the  echo  Bethmann- 
Hollweg's  announcement  that  German  armies, 
in  violating  the  dictates  of  moral  and  interna- 
tional law,  by  breaking  Germany's  word  of  honour, 
had  occupied  Luxembourg  and  entered  Belgium. 
The  two  incidents  are  drastic,  concrete  illustrations 
of  the  gulf  which  separates  British  and  German 
conceptions  of  right  and  wrong. 

Furthermore,  there  are  two  questions  of  a  dis- 
ciplinary nature  arising  out  of  this  incident  which 
"  the  man  in  the  street  "  has  a  perfect  right  to  raise. 
Assuming  that  Sir  Edward  Grey  exercised  his 
discretion  and  concealed  the  "  infamous  proposal  " 
from  the  Cabinet,  which  of  his  colleagues  afterwards 
betrayed  the  fact  and  from  what  source — German 
or  English — did  he  obtain  his  information  ? 

Full  knowledge  on  these  points  would  probably 
be  of  great  assistance  in  destroying  the  ''  trail  of 
the  serpent  "  (i.e.,  German  influence  and  intrigues) 
in  the  political  and  national  life  of  Great  Britain. 

Professor  Oncken  praises  German  disinterest- 
edness  in   offering   to   guarantee    the   integrity  of 


288  WHAT   GERMANY  THINKS 

French  continental  and  colonial  territories  in  case 
Germany  gained  a  victory  in  the  war.  Sir  Edward 
Grey's  refusal  to  guarantee  British  neutrality  in 
return  for  this  promise,  the  professor  considers 
supreme  and  final  proof  that  Britain  was  bent  on 
war.  The  nation  has  rightly  approved  of  this 
policy  and  the  point  need  not  be  argued  in  this 
place ;  but  Professor  Oncken  in  the  seclusion 
of  his  German  study  would  do  well  to  weigh  two 
problems : 

If  Germany  had  gained  a  victory — and  in  August, 
1914,  she  was  absolutely  convinced  that  France  and 
Russia  would  succumb  if  they  faced  her  alone — 
then  Germany  would  have  obtained  the  long 
sought  upper  and  "  free  hand  "  in  Europe.  What 
earthly  powers  could  have  compelled  her  in  that 
moment  to  respect  her  promise  in  regard  to  French 
territories  ?  Certainly  Germany's  sense  of  honour 
could  not  be  counted  upon  to  do  so. 

The  second  problem  refers  to  the  bull  and  the 
china-shop.  Presuming  that  the  bull  could  talk, 
would  Professor  Oncken  advise  the  guardian  of  the 
proverbial  china-shop  to  accept  the  bull's  promise 
to  respect  the  status  quo  ante  of  his  property, 
before  letting  him  (the  bull)  run  amock  amongst 
the  china  ? 

Lastly,  readers  are  advised  when  studying  the 
German  "  case  "  to  remember  that  Germany  never 
offered  to  respect  the  integrity  of  French  territories 
and  the  neutrality  of  Belgium.  Although  German 
writers — with    malice    aforethought — seek    to  give 


THE  INTELLECTUALS  AND  THE  WAR     289 

that  impression.  Yet,  had  this  combined  offer 
been  made,  the  author  submits  that  in  spite  of  such 
a  promise,  it  would  still  have  been  ruinous  to  British 
interests  to  stand  aside  and  see  Germany  gain  the 
upper  and  "  free  hand  "  in  Europe.  Having  ob- 
tained that,  all  else  would  have  followed  to  the  desire 
of  Germany's  heart. 


'9 


;  "  CHAPTER  XII 

THE    LITERATURE    OF    HATE 

"  The  English  are  "  It  must  come  to  this, 
wretched  scoundrels."  that  not  even  a  German 
— Frederick  the  Great,       dog  will  accept  a  piece 

of  bread  from  an  Eng- 
lishman."— Heinrich  von 
^reitschke. 

"  England,  the  Vampire  of  Europe,"  by  Count 
Reventlow. 

"  Down  with  England,"  by  Admiral  Valois. 

"  England,  our  Enemy  in  the  Past,  Present  and 
Future,"  by  Erich  von  Kahler. 

"  A  German  Victory,  Ireland's  Hope,"  by  Dr. 
Hans  Rost. 

"  England,  the  Scourge  of  Humanity,"  by  Ger- 
manicus. 

"  The  Poisonous  Press,"  by  Germanicus. 

"  England  against  England,"  by  Mathieu 
Schwann. 

"  A  Woman's  War  Letters,"  by  L.  Niessen- 
Deiters. 

290 


THE   LITERATURE   OF  HATE  291 

"  Albion's  Death  Struggle,"  by  Eugen  Det- 
molder.* 

"  How  John  Bull  recruits  his  Hirelings,"  by  Dr. 
Herbert  Hirschberg. 

"  Advance  on  England !  The  Destruction  of 
Britain's  World  Power,"  Anonymous. 

"  In  English  Captivity,"  by  Heinrich  Norden, 
late  missionary. 

"  British  versus  German  Imperium,"  by  an  Irish- 
American.       Introduction  by  Sir  Roger  Casement. 

"  Lousyhead  goes  on  Lying."  The  latest  war 
news  of  Messrs.  Grandebouche  (France),  Lousy- 
head  (Russia),  and  Plumpudding  (England),  by 
Karl  Ettlinger. 

"  England  and  Germany,"  by  Houston  Stewart 
Chamberlain. 

"  Cable  Warfare  and  the  Campaign  of  Lies,"  by 
Dr.  Meister,  Professor  in  Miinster  University. 

"  England  and  Continental  Interests,"  by  Cap- 
tain H.  Schubart. 

"  The  Annihilation  of  England's  World  Power," 
Essays  by  twenty-three  different  authors,  including 
Professors  Haeckel,  Eucken  and  Lamprecht ;  State 
Secretary  Dr.  Dernburg ;  Dr.  Sven  Hedin, 
etc. 

"  German  Misery  in  London,"  by  Carl  Peters. 

"  The  English  Face,"  by  six  university  professors  ; 
Frischeisen-Kohler  (Berlin)  ;  Jastrow  (Berlin)  ; 
von  der  Goltz  (Greifswald)  ;  Roloff  (Giessen)  ; 
Valentin  (Freiburg)  ;    von  Liszt  (Berlin). 

•  Written  by  Detmolder  (a  Belgian)  during  the  Boer  War. — Author. 

19* 


292  WHAT   GERMANY  THINKS 

"  Starvation,  England's  Latest  Ally,"  by  Fried- 
rich  Simon. 

"  England  and  the  War,"  by  Professor  Lujo 
Brentano. 

"  Against  France  and  Albion,"  by  A.  Fendrich. 

"  The  Land  of  Unlimited  Hypocrisy,"  by 
Spiridion  Gopcevic.* 

"  England  "  ;  "  England  and  America,"  Sild- 
deutsche  Monatshefte  (South  German  Review)  for 
January  and  May,  191 5. 

"  England's  Tyranny  and  former  Supremacy  of 
the  Seas,"  by  Admiral  Kirchoff. 

"  England's  Blood-Guilt  against  the  White 
Peoples,"  by  Woldemar  Schiitze. 

"  The  Greatest  Criminal  against  Humanity ; 
King  Edward  VH.  of  England.  A  Curse-pamphlet," 
by  Lieut. -Col.  R.  Wagner. 

"  England,  tremble  !  "  by  J.  Bermbach. 

"  England  as  Sea-Pirate  State,"  by  Dr.  Ernst 
Schultze. 

"  In  the  Pillory  !  Our  Enemies'  Campaign  of 
Lies,"  by  Reinhold  Anton. 

"  London's  Lie  Factory  :  Renter's  Office,"  by 
A.  Brand. 

"  England's  Wicked  Deeds  in  the  World's  His- 
tory," by  A.  Kuhn. 

"  Our  Settlement  with  England,"  by  Professor 
Hermann  Oncken. 


•  Probably  the  most  scurrilous  and  \iilgar  work  of  its  type  ;    but  the 
writer  of  it  is  not  a  German, — Author. 


THE   LITERATURE   OF  HATE  293 

"  England's  Betrayal  of  Germany,"  by  M. 
Wildgrube. 

"  England's  Guilt,"  by  Gaston  von  Mallmann. 

"  English  Character,"  by  Professor  Arnold 
Schroer. 

"  England  and  We,"  by  Dr.  J.  Riessner,  Presi- 
dent of  the  Hanseatic  League. 

"  How  England  prevented  an  Understanding 
with  Germany,"  by  Professor  Th.  Schiemann. 

"  God  Punish  England,"  published  by  Simplicis- 
simus. 

"  Perfidious  Albion,"  by  Alfred  Geiser. 

"  Our  Enemies  among  Themselves,"  Carica- 
tures from  1 792-1 900  collected  by  Dr.  Paul  Weiglin. 

"  Words  in  Season,"  Poems,  including  the 
"  Hymn  of  Hate,"  by  Ernst  Lissauer. 

About  sixty-five  other  titles  might  be  added  to 
those  given  above,  but  the  author  has  restricted 
the  list  to  books  in  his  possession.  Some  of  them 
are  scurrilous  and  obscene,  deserving  no  further 
attention  than  a  record  of  their  existence.  Yet  the 
fundamental  idea  running  through  these  works  is 
identical,  differing  only  in  the  mode  of  ex- 
pression. 

Hate  in  itself  is  a  confession  of  weakness,  to  a 
certain  extent  an  admission  of  defeat.  The  presence 
of  hate  in  a  nation  or  an  individual  may  be  explained 
as  resulting  from  the  desire  to  remove  or  destroy 
an  obstacle,  which  has  proved  to  be  immovable  and 
indestructible.      A    healthy,    well-balanced    mind 


294  WHAT   GERMANY  THINKS 

admits  defeat  and  endeavours  to  make  a  compromise 
— ^to  adjust  itself  to  the  inevitable. 

But  assuming  other  conditions — a  false  sense  of 
honour,  a  morbid  conception  of  self-importance — 
then  hate  seems  to  be  a  natural,  although  unhealthy 
result.  Unfortunately  there  is  evidence  that  these 
factors  influence  modern  Germany.  One  of  the 
roots  of  tragedy  is  to  be  found  in  the  inequality 
between  the  will  and  power  to  perform.  In  its 
helplessness  the  will  recoils  upon  itself,  turning  to 
gall  and  bitterness,  or  seeks  a  solution  in  self- 
destruction. 

It  is  noteworthy  that  some  thirteen  thousand 
individuals  commit  suicide  every  year  in  Germany. 
UnwiUing  or  unable  to  adjust  themselves  to  the 
phenomena  of  life,  they  choose  death  in  preference 
to  the  compromise — life.  A  leaning  towards  the 
tragic  characterizes  the  German  of  to-day ;  an 
incHnation  not  to  compromise,  not  to  admit  defeat, 
thereby  admitting  the  "  will  "  to  be  incapable  of 
transformance  into  actuality. 

Between  Germany  and  Britain  fate  has  placed 
such  a  rock  of  destiny,  i.e.^  this  country's  position 
in  the  world,  above  all,  her  naval  supremacy. 
Germany  has  held  that  this  rock  hinders,  even 
endangers,  her  just  and  historical  development  in 
the  world.  With  wonderful  energy,  perseverance, 
self-sacrifice  and  heroism,  Germany  has  endea- 
voured to  surmount  or  destroy  the  obstacle.  The 
united  will  of  the  nation  was  expressed  in  the 
momentum    of    the    onslaught — in    vain.     And    as 


THE   LITERATURE   OF  HATE  295 

no  reconciling  influences  are  at  work,  no  tendency 
to  accept  the  inevitable — Germany  hates. 

Outside  Germany  there  is,  probably,  no  one  who 
doubts  the  invincibility  of  the  British  Navy  and  the 
unchangeable  will  of  the  British  (strengthened  by  the 
danger  of  the  past  year)  to  maintain  its  supremacy. 
Yet  even  to-day  responsible  Germans  are  appealing 
to  their  nation  to  fight  till  "  modern  Carthage  " 
is  finally  destroyed. 

"  In  spite  of  the  publications  of  our  enemies,  we 
in  Germany,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  will 
believe  unto  all  eternity  that  this  war  was  caused  by 
England  alone.  All  Germany  replied  to  England's 
declaration  of  war  with  a  cry  of  indignation.  The 
hate  for  the  hypocritical  island  kingdom  was  so 
bitter  that  it  took  the  form  of  demonstrations 
against  the  British  Embassy,  while  the  representa- 
tives of  the  other  enemy  countries  were  able  to 
depart  unharmed.* 

"  Up  till  then  political  England  was  little  known 
in  Germany,  but  now  the  bitter  hate  which  reigns 
throughout  the  land  characterizes  her  as  the  incarna- 
tion of  all  that  is  base  and  vile.  It  brings  back  to 
our  minds  the  saying  of  the  old  Hanseatic  towns  : 

*  England,  thou  land  of  shame, 
Why  hast  thou,  Satansland, 
The  name  of  Angel-land  ? ' 

"  No  sacrifice  and  no  effort  will  be  too  great,  for 

•  Admiral  Valois  appears  to  be  unaware  that  both  ladies  and  gentlemen 
from  the  Russian  Embassy  were  beaten  with  sticks,  fists  and  umbrellas 
before  leaving  Berlin. — Author. 


296  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

us  to  drag  her  from  her  imagined  height  into  the 
dust.  By  force  of  arms,  starvation  and  the  power  of 
lies,  they  hoped  to  force  us  back  to  unimportance, 
and  now  the  issue  is  :  Whether  the  categoric  im- 
perative of  the  East  Prussian  Kant,  or  the  hypo- 
crisy of  British  cant,  shall  gain  the  victory. 

"  We  are  unalterably  convinced  that  England  is 
our  mortal  enemy,  and  that  all  endeavours  to  find  a 
modus  Vivendi  will  be  in  vain.  Still  our  present 
naval  forces  are  unequal  to  the  task  of  overthrowing 
her.  This  will  make  it  easy  for  the  German  Govern- 
ment to  obtain  even  the  greatest  sums  from  the 
Reichstag  in  order  to  increase  our  fleet.  Every 
other  aim — no  matter  what  it  is — must  be  laid 
aside,  till  this  one  is  attained  :  Down  with  England  ! 

"  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  this  attempt  on  England's 
part  to  get  rid  of  a  competitor  will  be  the  last.  We 
Germans  anticipate  the  future  with  an  unshak- 
able belief  in  victory.  Possibly  sooner  or  later, 
England's  present  allies  will  see  that  in  reality  they 
are  serving  English  interests.  When  this  unnatural 
alliance  has  crumbled  to  pieces  under  the  might  of 
our  blows,  then  we  shall  at  last  stand  face  to  face 
with  England — alone  ! 

"  Our  life-work  will  then  begin — to  settle  up  with 
the  pioneers  of  hypocrisy  so  that  they  shall  never 
again  cross  our  path  !  If  at  any  time  this  high 
endeavour  seems  to  slacken,  then  think  of  East 
Prussia  !  Remember  that  a  third  of  the  province 
was  laid  waste ;  that  men,  women  and  children 
were  murdered  and  violated  ;    that  the  lists  of  the 


THE  LITERATURE   OF  HATE  297 

missing  contained  the  names  of  nearly  fifty  thousand 
fellow-countrymen.  And  all  this  had  to  happen  so 
that  every  Englishman  might  become  a  few  pounds 
richer. 

"  Think  of  it  as  long  as  you  live,  and  pass  it  on  to 
your  descendants  as  an  inheritance.  Give  all  your 
strength  and  your  last  farthing  to  increase  our  fleet 
and  any  other  necessary  means  to  attain  our  goal : 
Down  with  England  !  "* 

"  Truly  it  is  no  longer  necessary  either  in  this 
assembly  or  in  all  Germany  to  create  popular  opinion 
for  the  cry  '  Nieder  mit  England  !  '  It  re-echoes 
daily  from  the  lips  of  every  German.  But  still  we 
must  continue  to  point  out  its  necessity — it  is  a 
commandment  which  must  banish  every  weak 
inclination  to  yield,  and  make  us  strong  to  hold  out 
to  the  bitter  end. 

"  To  some  it  may  appear  '  one-sided,'  but  yet  it 
is  a  moral  duty  to  emphasize  and  strengthen  our 
hate  for  England.  Not  only  because  we  will  hate, 
but  because  we  must.  Hatred  ennobles  when  it  is 
directed  with  full  force  against  the  evil  and  bad. 
And  what  is  the  evil  ?  For  an  answer  consider  how 
the  English  pedlar-spirit  with  cunning  and  lies, 
has  subjugated  the  world  and  holds  it  in  bondage. 

"  Even  in  the  upper  classes  (English),  ignorance 
reigns  supreme.  In  their  famous  schools,  e.g.^ 
Eton  College,  the  young  people — besides  sports 
and   so-called   gentlemanlike    behaviour — learn   ex- 

*  Admiral  Valois :  "  Nieder  mit  England  !  "  ("  Down  with  England  1  ") 
p.  5  et.  seq. 


298  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

ceedingly  little.  Except  in  regard  to  purely 
English  affairs  most  Englishmen  possess  an  almost 
inconceivable  ignorance  of  history  and  geography. 
The  view  held  by  so  many  Germans  that  the 
majority  of  the  English  nation,  especially  the  so- 
called  '  upper  ten,'  have  enjoyed  a  thorough  educa- 
tion— is  utterly  false.  But  in  spite  of  this,  English 
conceit  and  unexampled  pride  leaves  little  to  be 
desired."* 

All  German  naval  writers  whine  in  unison  con- 
cerning the  "  protection  of  private  property  in 
naval  warfare."  The  shoe  appears  to  pinch  at  that 
point,  but  the  complaints  sound  hollow  when  made 
by  a  nation  which  has  shown  so  little  respect  for 
private  property  in  land  warfare. 

"  Turkey  was  compelled  to  hand  over  Cyprus  ; 
in  return  she  received  an  assurance  of  protection 
from  England.  What  the  latter  understands  by 
'  protection '  we  have  learned  from  her  recent 
actions.  The  behaviour  of  England's  last  naval 
commission  in  Constantinople  speaks  volumes. 
The  very  men  who  were  in  Turkey's  pay,  destroyed 
the  weapons  (ships,  i.e.^  cannon,  machinery,  etc.) 
entrusted  to  their  care."t 

Besides  Kirchhoff,  several  other  writers  charge 
the  British  naval  officers  who  were  in  Turkey's 
service  before  the  outbreak  of  war,  with  acts  of 
sabotage.     Another  writer    (Heinrich   Norden,  late 

•  Vice-Admiral  Kirchhoff :  "  England's  Willkur  '*  ("  England's 
Tyranny  "),  p.  i  et  seq. 

t  Ibid.,  p.  31. 


THE   LITERATURE   OF  HATE  299 

missionary  in  Duala,  German  Cameroons)  sinks  a 
little  lower  and  states  that  English  officers  were 
guilty  of  thieving  when  Duala  was  captured. 

"  Indeed,  it  is  not  saying  too  much  when  I 
maintain  that  the  true  historical  purpose  of  this  war, 
is  only  half  fulfilled  if  we  do  not  bring  England  to 
her  knees — cost  what  it  may  in  blood  and  treasure. 
That  much  we  owe  to  our  children  and  their  chil- 
dren. We  will  not  only  be  victorious,  victory  is 
only  half  the  work  ;  we  must  annihilate  the  power 
of  our  enemy. 

"  All  our  dearly-bought  victories  in  East  and 
West  will  be  of  no  avail  if,  at  the  conclusion  of  peace, 
we  have  not  conquered  and  compelled  England  to 
accept  our  terms.  There  can  never  be  justice  or 
morahty  on  earth,  or  keeping  of  treaties,  or  recog- 
nition of  moral  international  obligations,  till  the 
power  of  the  most  faithless,  hypocritical  nation 
which  ever  existed,  has  been  finally  broken  and  hes 
prostrate  on  the  ground.  So  long  ago  as  1829 
Goethe  said  to  Forster  :  '  In  no  land  are  there  so 
many  hypocrites  and  sanctimonious  dissemblers 
as  in  England.' 

"  We  must  wait  in  patience  and  with  confidence 
in  our  leaders  for  the  final  settlement  which  the 
future  will  bring.  The  men  in  our  navy  are  burn- 
ing to  imitate  the  deeds  of  their  comrades  on  land. 
Whenever  an  opportunity  has  arisen,  they  have 
shown  themselves  equal  to  the  enemy.  Our  navy 
knows,  and  that  is  a  consolation  for  the  men  during 
inactivity,  that  the  lofty  task  of  breaking  England's 


800  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

power  will  fall  to  their  share.  The  men  know  that 
the  final  purpose  of  this  world  war  can  only  be 
attained  with  their  help,  they  know  what  is  before 
them,  and  that  the  enormous  stake  demands  and 
deserves  all  they  have  to  give. 

"  In  this  time  of  trial  we  can  best  help  by  waiting 
in  patience.  The  fleet's  turn  will  come  ;  the  fleet 
created  by  our  Kaiser  will  fulfil  its  mission.  Every- 
one of  us  recognizes  that  a  well-thought-out  plan 
is  behind  all  this ;  even  the  enemy  has  premonitions 
of  it. 

"  In  regard  to  England's  downfall  there  can,  may, 
and  must  be  only  one  opinion.  It  is  the  very  highest 
mission  of  German  Kultur.  Our  war,  too,  is  a 
*  holy  war.'  For  the  first  time  England's  despotic 
power  is  opposed  by  an  enemy  possessing  power, 
intelligence  and  will."* 

Another  of  the  fundamental  reasons  for  German 
hate  must  be  sought  in  the  different  conceptions 
of  life  and  its  duties  in  the  two  nations.  In  its 
chief  results  this  has  found  expression  in  two  totally 
different  beings.  Professor  Engel  (Berlin)  once 
wrote  that  from  the  cradle  to  the  grave,  the  German 
is  "  on  the  line,"  or,  in  other  words,  the  State 
directs  his  every  action. 

Probably  it  would  be  more  correct  to  look  upon 
the  German  State  as  a  Teutonic  Nirvana — with 
this  distinction,  that  it  is  a  negation  of  personal 
individuality,  but  at  the  same  time  a  huge,  collective 
positive.     The  individual  German  fulfils  his  life's 

•  Ibid.,  p,  37  et  seq 


THE  LITERATURE   OF  HATE  301 

mission  by  absorption  into  Nirvana  and  by  having 
all  his  activities  transformed  in  the  collective  whole 
for  the  benefit  of  the  State.  The  will  of  the  State 
is  supreme  ;  individuals  exist  in,  through,  and  for, 
the  whole.  And,  above  all,  the  State's  motto  has 
been  thoroughness  and  efficiency  in  every  depart- 
ment of  its  manifold  life  ;  knowledge  and  power 
its  aims. 

Britain's  development  has  been  along  other  lines  ; 
the  widest  possible  room  has  been  left  to  the  in- 
dividual, and  the  ties  binding  him  to  the  whole  have 
been  loose  in  the  extreme.  German  discipline  is 
replaced  by  British  liberty,  with  its  advantages  to 
the  individual  and  corresponding  disadvantages  for 
the  State.  Liberty  implies  the  right  to  rise  by 
honest  endeavour,  but  does  not  exclude  the  possi- 
bility of  a  wilful  surrender  to  slothful  inactivity, 
e.g.^  the  human  flotsam  and  jetsam  of  British 
cities,  the  casual  ward  and  similar  institutions. 
These  and  other  phenomena  of  life  in  our 
islands  have  aroused  bitter  contempt  among 
Germans.  Contempt  has  been  succeeded  by  envy 
and  hatred.  Rightly  or  wrongly  the  German 
has  argued  that  the  people  who  prefer  sport  to 
knowledge,  self-will  to  a  sense  of  duty  to  the 
community,    selfishness    to    sacrifice,*    wire-pulling 

•  An  article  by  the  present  writer  on  "  Some  German  Schools  "  in 
the  Times  Educational  Supplement,  October  5th,  191 5,  gives  some  faint 
idea  of  the  unprecedented  sacrifices  made  by  German  schools.  During 
the  war  all  classes  of  the  population  have  voluntarily  renounced  a  part  of 
their  earnings  for  war  charities.     In  the  Frdnkischer  Kurier  for  October 


302  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

and  patronage  to  efficiency — this  people  is  no 
longer  worthy  of  the  first  place  among  the  nations. 
By  right  of  merit,  morality  and  efficient  fitness 
— that  place  belongs  to  Germany. 

Unfortunately  the  present  war  has  brought 
many  proofs  that  there  is  no  small  amount  of 
truth  in  this  ijidictment,  and  most  unfortunate 
of  all,  neutral  countries  too  accept  Germany's 
version  that  Britain  is  unorganized,  self-interested, 
inefficient  and  effete.  And  to  just  the  same  degree 
they  are  convinced  that  Germany  is  thorough. 
They  love  Britain's  humanitarian  idea,  but  admire 
German  efficiency — although  they  fear  the  latter's 
militarism. 

Still  when  they  are  driven  to  choose  to  whom 
they  shall  confide  their  vital  interests,  i.e,,  future 
existence,  they  prefer  to  lean  on  successful  German 
thoroughness,  than  on  Britain's  humanitarianism 
unsupported  by  the  strong  arm.  At  the  moment 
of  writing  there  is  wailing  and  gnashing  of  teeth 
throughout  the  British  Empire  at  the  diplomatic 
failure  in  Bulgaria  and  the  previous  fiasco  in  Turkey. 
Sir  Edward  Grey  has  dealt  with  the  question  in 
Parliament,  but  he  has  not  mentioned  the  true 
reason. 

The  true  reason  is  that  this  country  has  fallen 

13th,  191 5,  the  Burgomaster  of  Nuremberg  announced  that  the  volun- 
tary reduction  of  salaries  agreed  to  by  the  municipal  officials  of  that 
city  had  resulted  in  264,000  marks  (^^i 3,000)  going  to  charitable  funds. 
The  author  could  cite  dozens  of  similar  instances,  but  it  would  interest 
him  most  of  all  to  know  whether  any  town  in  the  British  Isles  can  show  a 
better  record  than  Nuremberg,  with  a  population  of  350,000. 


THE  LITERATURE   OF  HATE  303 

into  the  habit  of  sending  diplomatic  representa- 
tives abroad  who  have  not  been  keen  enough  to 
obtain  a  mastery  of  the  language,  or  a  full  know- 
ledge of  the  feelings  and  national  aspirations  of 
the  peoples  to  whom  they  were  accredited.  In- 
stead of  being  living  ambassadors  of  the  British 
idea,  they  have  often  been  concrete  examples  before 
foreign  eyes  of  British — inefficiency.  An  example 
of  the  language  question  which  came  under  the 
author's  personal  notice,  deserves  mention. 

In  the  spring  of  1914  there  seemed  to  be  a 
danger  that  a  German  would  be  appointed  British 
Consul  in  Nuremberg,  and  in  order  to  prevent 
this  the  author  wrote  to  a  British  Minister 
stationed  in  Munich.  He  was  greatly  surprised 
to  receive  a  reply — the  latter,  of  course,  was  in 
English — addessed  on  the  outside  to: 

"  Dr.  T.  Smith, 
"  On  the  top  of  the  University  of  Erlangen." 

That  is  to  say,  the  German  preposition  auf  was 
employed  instead  of  an,  A  mistake  which  even 
an  elementary  knowledge  of  German  should  have 
made  impossible.  In  the  British  Legation  at 
Munich  there  was  a  German-British  Consul — a 
Munich  timber-merchant.  If  readers  imagine  that 
Munich  was  an  unimportant  city  in  the  diplomatic 
sense,  then  they  are  recommended  to  study  the 
French  Yellow  Book,  which  contains  final  proof 
that  an  efficient  French  Minister  was  able  to  make 
important  discoveries  at  the  Bavarian  Court. 


304  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

British  prestige,  confidence  in  British  efficiency 
and  power  among  neutrals  has  gravitated  danger- 
ously in  the  direction  of  zero,  while  admiration 
for  Germany  has  correspondingly  risen.  That 
there  is  only  too  much  reason  for  the  change,  the 
course  of  the  war  has  given  ample  proof,  and  there- 
in lies  the  hope  of  Britain's  future.  The  war 
will  reveal  to  the  British  both  their  strength  and 
weakness,  and  if  the  war  does  not  destroy  the  dry 
rot  in  the  land,  then  it  is  merely  the  precursor 
of  Britain's  final  downfall. 

There  can  be  no  greater  mistake  than  closing 
one's  eyes  to  the  good  points  in  a  resolute  enemy. 
As  far  as  this  war  is  concerned  they  can  be  sum- 
marized under  two  heads  :  (i.)  The  German  Board 
of  Education,  which  has  developed  and  mobilized 
the  last  ounce  of  German  brains  and  directed  them 
into  the  service  of  the  Fatherland.*     (2.)  The  Ger- 

•  Five  years  ago  the  present  author  wrote  in  the  September  number, 
1910,  of  Macmillan's  School  World -. — "Educational  reforms  and  plans 
must  come  from  the  schoolmen ;  they  never  spring  of  themselves  from 
out  of  the  people;  and  this  is  perhaps  the  most  deplorable  admission  of 
all,  that  modern  England  has  no  great  educationist  or  statesman  capable 
of  formulating  a  national  system  of  schools  which  shall  develop  the 
intellectual  material  of  the  nation  to  its  highest  powers,  and  direct 
those  powers  into  the  best  channels.  For  several  decades  school  in- 
spectors, etc.,  have  visited  continental  countries  to  study  their  educa- 
tional systems,  and  have  returned  home  with  innumerable  fads — but  no 
system.  Everything  of  the  fantastic  has  been  copied,  but  no  founda- 
tions have  been  laid  5  with  the  result  that  England's  educational  system 
to-day  resembles  a  piece  of  patchwork  containing  a  rich  variety  of 
colours  and  a  still  greater  variety  of  stufif-quality.  It  were  better  for 
us  to  have  done  with  educationists  who  preach  about  '  the  rigid  uni- 
formity of  system  which  is  alien  both  to  the  English  temperament  and 
to  the  lines  on  which  English  public  schools  have  developed.'    The  said 


THE  LITERATURE  OF  HATE  305 

man  War  Office,  which  has  mobilized  Germany's 
physical  and  technical  forces. 

No  other  State  possesses  institutions  to  compare 
with  them.  They  are  the  foundation  of  Ger- 
many's strength,  and  the  present  author's  only 
regret  is,  that  the  overwhelming  forces  obtained 
by  bridling  the  Teutonic  Niagara  of  brains  and 
muscle,  have  been  directed  by  a  false  patriotism 
into  the  wrong  channels.  Still  that  is  what  Britain 
is  up  against,  and  Britain  can  only  secure  an  honour- 
able victory  by  surpassing  them.  And  this  much 
may  be  admitted  even  at  this  stage  of  the  struggle  : 
one  part  of  the  "  German  idea  "  is  certain  of  com- 
plete victory  along  the  whole  line — German 
thoroughness  and  self-sacrifice. 

Because  only  by  adopting  that  ideal  is  it  possible 
for  Germany's  enemies  to  beat  her.  Political 
intrigues,  hunger  caused  by  blockade,  cant,  wire- 
pulling, hiding  the  truth,  etc.,  etc.,  will  break 
down  before  the  German  onslaught  like  waves 
break  upon  a  rock,  Britain  has  got  to  hark  back 
to  Strafford's  watchword  "  thorough  "  and  season 
it  with  the  spirit  of  Cromwell's  Ironsides. 

To-day  Germans  are  seriously  discussing  measures 
by  which  Britain's  financial  supremacy — and  there- 
public  schools  have  hopelessly  failed  to  meet  the  necessity  of  a  nationa 
system  of  education,  or  to  form  the  nucleus  from  which  such  a  system 
could  or  can  develop  itself.  That  the  Falls  f  Niagara,  however,  dissipate 
untold  natural  forces  is  just  as  true  as  that  England  wastes  immeasurable 
intellectual  force  because  her  forces  are  allowed  to  dissipate  through  not 
being  disciplined  and  bridled  by  a  fitting  educational  mechanism. 
Therefore  let  England  turn  to  the  prosaic  work  of  organising !  " 

20 


806  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

with  her  naval  supremacy — can  be  overthrown, 
after  the  present  war.  One  writer  proposes  a 
return  to  Napoleon's  Continental  system,  and 
concludes  his  plea  : 

"  The  British  Empire  can  and  must  be  over- 
thrown, so  that  the  Continent  of  Europe  may 
flourish  and  develop  according  to  the  dictates  of 
Europe's  will.  According  to  Herbert  Spencer's 
view,  Europe  must  exercise  the  highest  ethics, 
viz.,  *  give  the  highest  possible  total  of  human 
beings,  Hfe,  happiness  and  above  all  harmony 
of  work.' 

"  England  has  never  comprehended  what  '  the 
harmony  of  work '  means.  Her  entire  heroism 
consisted  in  brutally  suppressing  the  weaker,  and 
avaricious  exploitation  of  everything  foreign  by 
means  of  cunning  treaties  and  business  tricks. 
Even  an  Englishman,  Sir  J.  Seeley,  in  his  book, 
'  The  Growth  of  British  Policy,'  has  defined  this 
characteristic  with  objective  clearness. 

"  For  sixty  years  England  struggled  against 
Holland — after  which  the  latter  lay  prostrate 
before  her.  Now  England's  battle  against  her 
greatest  and  mightiest  rival  has  commenced — against 
Germany.  This  struggle  will  last  sixty  years  and 
longer  if  Great  Britain  does  not  succumb  before. 
Every  peace  will  only  mean  preparation  for  new 
battles,  till  the  final  result  is  attained  ;  English 
history  affords  proof  of  this. 

"  Shall  Germany,  the  latest  rival,  be  broken 
too  ?     Or  shall  it  be  her  mission  to  awaken  Europe 


THE  LITERATURE   OF  HATE  807 

to  war  against  greed  and  avarice,  hypocrisy  and 
theft,  robbery  and  violence  ?  Lands  which  have 
slept  and  dreamed  for  centuries,  do  not  easily 
awake.  And  a  part  of  Europe  still  dreams  deeply 
under  the  hypnotic  influence  of  English  cant  and 
altruism,  or  at  least  of  her  God-ordained  hegemony. 

"  This  must  be  the  goal  of  German  statecraft 
and  German  diplomacy.  The  dream  must  be 
dispelled,  and  the  mask  torn  from  the  hypocrite's 
face.  If  Germany  desires  to  exist,  then  the  weak, 
faltering  expediency-policy  of  the  German  Em- 
pire must  be  at  an  end.  Our  one  and  only  aim 
must  be  :   Down  with  England  ! 

"  Germany,  however,  may  not  strive  to  enter 
into  England's  heritage — that  must  fall  to  the 
Continent.  England's  heir  shall  be  Europe,  which 
will  then  be  able  to  progress  and  develop  as 
history  intended."* 

German  hate  has  been  fed  by  stories  of  British 
atrocities,  ill-treatment  of  German  civilians,  the 
alleged  use  of  dum-dum  bullets  by  British  soldiers, 
and  the  employment  of  coloured  troops  from  India 
etc.  A  book  has  been  published  under  the  style  ot 
"  The  Black  Book  of  Atrocities  committed  by  our 
Enemies. "t  The  charges  concerning  the  use  of 
dum-dum  bullets  by  the  British  are  dealt  with  on 

PP-  39-43- 

In  spite  of  the  fact  that  von  Treitschke  advocates 

•  Captain  H.  Schubart :  "  England  und  die  Interessen  des  Konti- 
nents  "  ("  England  and  Continental  Interests  "),  p.  50. 

t  "  Das  Schwarzbuch  der  Schandtaten  unserer  Feinde."     Berlin,  191 5 

20* 


808  WHAT   GERMANY  THINKS 

the  employment  of  all  available  troops,  irrespective 
of  colour,  by  a  State  at  war,  and  in  spite  of 
the  fact  that  Germany  has  herself  employed  native 
troops  in  this  war  (Cameroons,  etc.),  their  employ- 
ment by  Britain  has  aroused  a  wave  of  bitter  hatred 
in  Germany.  As  a  justification  for  this  indignation 
the  Black  Book  quotes  Earl  Chatham's  speech 
against  the  employment  of  Red  Indians  in  the  war 
with  the  American  colonies. 

It  is  impossible  to  suppose  that  some  of  the 
charges  of  ill-treatment  of  Germans  by  the  British 
are  more  than  the  squeals  of  the  bully  on  feeling  the 
pinch.  Carl  Peters'  book  "  Das  deutsche  Elend  in 
London "  ("  German  Misery  in  London  ")  must 
certainly  be  dismissed  as  belonging  to  the  squeals. 
Another  booklet*  may  perhaps  be  quoted,  though 
with  all  reserve,  because  it  involves  the  charge  of 
endangering  the  white  man — above  all,  the  honour 
of  white  women — in  Africa. 

"  In  declaring  my  willingness  to  relate  our  ex- 
periences during  the  defence  and  surrender  of 
Duala  and  my  experiences  in  English  captivity, 
my  motive  was  not  to  add  fuel  to  the  fires  of  hate 
against  England.  But  it  would  be  an  injustice 
if  we  were  silent  concerning  English  outrages. 
Thousands  of  our  brother  Germans  lie  in  English 
prisoners'  camps ;  their  hands  are  tied  and  their 
mouths  closed  by  the  force  of  circumstances.  But 
with  inward   wrath   they  endure  in   silence.     Yet 

*  "  In  Englischer  Gefangenschaft "  ("  In  English  Captivity  "),  by 
Heinrich  Norden,  late  missionary  in  Duala,  Cameroons. 


THE   LITERATURE   OF   HATE  309 

their  position  demands  that  we,  who  have  suffered 
with  them  and  have  luckily  escaped,  should  speak 
for  them. 

"  It  is  our  bounden  duty  to  the  Fatherland  to 
reveal  the  truth  about  English  atrocities,  and  I  am 
all  the  more  conscious  of  that  duty  because  some 
circles  betray  a  certain  amount  of  mistrust  con- 
cerning the  reports  of  English  horrors. 

'^  On  Sunday,  September  27th,  after  all  the 
necessary  preparations  had  been  made,  the  white 
flag  was  hoisted.  In  a  few  hours  the  town  was 
teeming  with  black  and  white  English  and  French 
landing  parties,  who  were  received  with  indescrib- 
able joy  by  the  natives.  The  latter  followed  the 
soldiers  about  like  dogs,  and  in  real  dog-manner 
began  to  show  their  teeth  (against  the  Germans). 

''  Everything  remained  quiet  on  Sunday,  but 
on  the  following  day  robbery  and  plundering  began 
in  a  way  which  we  had  never  believed  possible. 
Still  less  were  we  prepared  for  the  brutal  treat- 
ment which  the  English  practised  on  us  defenceless 
Germans.  At  first  they  made  sure  of  those  who  had 
borne  arms  ;  with  lies  and  deceit  they  were  en- 
ticed into  a  trap.  They  were  requested  to  give 
in  their  names,  where apon  they  would  be  set 
at  liberty.  However,  when  the  English  thought 
that  the  majority  had  been  collected,  the  victims 
were  driven  on  to  a  steamer  which  took  them  to 
French  Dahomey. 

"  During  thejmonths^of  our  imprisonment  I 
had^ample  opportunity  to^observe  how^the  Germans 


810  WHAT   GERMANY  THINKS 

have  been  ill-treated  by  the  blacks.  The  English 
incited  them  like  a  pack  of  hounds  to  worry  their 
own  race — and  looked  on  with  a  laugh.  Yet  the 
Germans  bore  all  this  degradation  with  proud 
calm,  and  with  the  consolation  that  a  day  will 
come  when  all  this  shame  will  be  wiped  out. 

"  On  the  way  to  the  harbour  I  met  about  twenty 
Germans ;  our  company  increased  from  hour  to 
hour.  Women  were  weeping  who  did  not  know 
the  fate  of  their  husbands,  but  this  had  not  the 
faintest  effect  on  the  brutal  hearts  of  the  EngHsh. 
At  last  night  fell ;  we  were  tortured  by  hunger 
and  burning  thirst.  We  were  in  anguish  as  to 
what  would  become  of  us.  Why  were  our  enemies 
so  inconceivably  bitter  ?*  Why  did  they  tell 
us  no  word  of  truth  ?  They  declared  openly 
that  everything  German  was  to  be  destroyed, 
German  thrones  overthrown  and  the  German 
devils  driven  out. 

"  Albion's  heroic  sons  were  only  able  to  capture 
the  Cameroons  with  the  aid  of  native  treachery. 
The  blacks  showed  them  the  ways,  betrayed  the 
German  positions,  and  murdered  Germans  in  cold 
blood  wherever  opportunity  occurred.  The  Eng- 
lish even  paid  a  Judas  reward  of  twenty  to  fifty 
shillings  for  every  German,  Hving  or  half-dead, 
who  was  brought  in  by  the  natives. 

"  Later  I  met  various  prisoners  whose  evidence 

*  Norden  has  had  ample  opportunities  to  learn  the  story  of  Belgium, 
but  he  and  all  other  Germans  writers,  in  apparently  holy  innocence, 
look  upon  all  bitterness  against  their  nation  as  a  cruel  injustice. — Author. 


THE  LITERATURE  OF  HATE  311 

corroborated  the  inhuman  tortures  which  they  had 
endured.  Herr  Schlechtling  related  how  he  was 
attacked  at  Sanaga  by  natives  with  bush-knives, 
just  as  he  was  aiming  at  an  EngHsh  patrol.  Herr 
Nickolai  was  captured  by  blacks  and  his  clothes 
torn  from  his  body  and  numerous  knife  wounds 
inflicted  on  his  body.  The  natives  took  him  to 
an  English  steamer  whose  captain  paid  them 
twenty  shillings. 

"  Another  German,  Herr  Student,*  was  com- 
pelled to  look  on  while  the  natives  drowned  his 
comrade  (Herr  Nickstadt)  in  a  river,  while  he 
himself  was  afterwards  delivered  up  to  the  English. 
Yet  another,  Herr  Fischer,  was  surprised  while 
taking  a  meal,  bound  hand  and  foot,  beaten  and 
then  handed  over  to  the  English. "t 

After  all,  the  picture  does  not  seem  so  terrible 
as  this  good  missionary  would  make  out.  In  any 
case  he  has  failed  to  make  out  a  case  which  will 
bear  comparison  with  that  already  proved  against 
the  German  army  in  Europe,  or  even  so  bad  as 
the  treatment  dealt  out  by  German  civilians  to 
their  fellow-countrymen  during  August,  I9I4- 
Furthermore  it  may  be  safely  assumed  that  the 
bitterness  of  the  natives  is  to  be  ascribed  to  German 
tyranny,  which  culminated,  as  Norden  relates  on 

•  Four  of  these  men  are  still  in  British  captivity.  Another  Teuton 
who  has  sent  blood-curdling  tales  to  Germany  may  be  found  in  the  person 
of  Martin  Trojans,  prisoner  on  Rottnest  Island.  It  would  be  good  to  give 
these  men  an  opportunity  of  making  statements  in  London  before  a 
commission  of  neutral  diplomatists. — Author. 

t  "  In  englischer  Gefangenschaft,"  pp.  1-30. 


312  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

p.  1 6  of  his  book,  in  the  strangling  of  a  number  of 
natives,  including  chiefs  of  tribes  just  before  the 
advent  of  the  British. 

Still  his  book  has  had  due  influence  on  German 
public  opinion.  A  German  lady  in  a  book  full 
of  hysterical  hate*  has  based  a  foul  charge  upon 
Norden's  statements  (besides  publishing  his  experi- 
ences the  missionary  has  delivered  many  public 
lectures),  that  the  English  and  French  left  German 
women  to  the  mercies  of  the  natives  ! 

"  In  the  hearts  of  all  those  Germans  who  in 
this  great  time,  are  banished  from  the  Fatherland 
and  who  do  not  know  how  things  really  stand, 
there  burns  a  great  hate,  hate  for  England  and  the 
ardent  desire  to  fight  against  her — the  basest  and 
most  hated  of  all  our  enemies. 

"  I  have  come  to  the  end  of  my  report,  which 
contains  only  a  fraction  of  the  outrages  com- 
mitted by  Albion.  And  this  nation  talks  of  German 
atrocities  !  If  all  the  lies  spread  by  the  English 
Press  were  true,  even  then  England  would  have 
every  reason  to  be  dumb.  Only  he  who  has  felt 
the  effects  of  English  hate  upon  his  own  person 
can  understand  the  brutal  deeds  perpetrated 
recently  on  Germans  in  London  and  Liverpool. 
There,  England's  moral  depth  is  revealed  only 
too  clearly,  and  before  the  world  she  seeks  to 
drag  us  down  to  the  same  level."! 

•  Louise  Niessen-Deiters :  "  Kriegsbrlefe  einer  Frau  "  ("  The  War 
Letters  of  a  Woman  "),  p.  56. 

t  Norden's  book,  p.  43  et  seq. 


THE  LITERATURE  OF  HATE  313 

Considering  that  the  total  number  of  Germans 
captured  in  the  Cameroons  is  only  equal  to  the 
number  of  civilians  murdered  or  wounded  in 
British  towns  by  Zeppelin  bombs,  at  a  cost  of 
hundreds  of  thousands  of  pounds  to  the  German 
Government,  one  begins  to  wonder  whether 
Norden  and  his  countrymen  possess  any  sense 
of  proportion.  Germans  are  assiduous  students 
of  Shakespeare,  but  have  seemingly  overlooked 
the  comedy :  Much  ado  about  Nothing. 

Ireland  is  another  text  for  long  and  windy 
sermons  of  German  hate,  but  the  conclusion  of 
one  of  these  tirades*  will  suffice  to  show  Germany's 
real  motive. 

"  At  present  the  direction  of  the  Irish  revolu- 
tionary movement  is  in  the  hands  of  Professor 
Evin  MacNeill,  Mac  O'Rahilly  and,  above  all. 
Sir  Roger  Casement.  The  final  acceptance  of 
the  '  Constitution  of  Irish  Volunteers '  was  carried 
on  Sunday,  October  25th,  1914,  in  Dublin.  At 
that  congress  of  Irish  volunteers — who  to-day 
number  more  than  300,000  well-armed  men — 
special  stress  was  laid  on  the  fact  that  the  volunteers 
are  Irish  soldiers  and  not  imperialistic  hirelings. 

"  Further  the  members  of  the  organization 
have  engaged  not  to  submit  under  any  circum- 
stances to  the  Militia  Ballot  Act,  a  kind  of  national 
service  law  which,  remarkable  to  say,  is  only 
enforced  in  Ireland. 

•  Dr.  Hans  Rost :  "  Deutschland's  Sieg,  Irland's  Hoffnung  "("  Ger- 
many's Victory,  Ireland's  Hope  "),  p.  25  et  seq. 


814  WHAT  GERMANY   THINKS 

"  The  Irishmen  are  thronging  to  join  the  move- 
ment, and  pamphlets  are  being  distributed,  and 
appeals  made  on  all  sides.  Besides  which,  weapons 
are  being  gathered  and  money  collected.  The 
entire  episcopacy  of  Ireland  has  warned  the  young 
men  against  enlisting  in  English  regiments  on  the 
ground  that  they  will  be  placed  in  regiments  to 
which  no  Catholic  priest  is  attached.  The  warn- 
ing has  been  most  successful  in  hindering  recruiting. 
In  order  to  break  the  opposition  of  the  bishops, 
England  has  appointed  a  special  representative 
to  the  Vatican. 

"  When  the  German  Emperor  took  steps  to 
appoint  Catholic  priests  in  the  prisoners'  camps 
where  Irish  soldiers  are  interned,  the  English  at 
once  appointed  forty-five  Catholic  priests  with 
officer's  rank,  to  the  British  army  in  France.  Even 
this  measure,  as  well  as  the  sudden  diplomatic 
activity  at  the  Vatican,  is  little  calculated  to 
extinguish  the  hate  for  England  in  the  Irish  mind. 

"  On  November  24th  (1914)  James  Larkin  began 
a  propaganda  in  America.  He  appealed  to  all 
Irishmen  to  send  gold,  weapons,  and  ammunition 
to  Ireland,  for  the  day  of  reckoning  with  England. 
'  We  will  fight,'  said  Larkin,  '  for  the  destruction 
of  the  British  Empire  and  the  foundation  of  an 
Irish  republic ;  we  will  fight  to  deliver  Ireland 
from  that  foul  heap  of  ruins  called  England.' 
The  assembly  broke  into  enthusiastic  applause. 

"  At  that  moment  the  curtain  was  raised,  and 
on  the  stage  a  company  of  Irish  volunteers  and  a 


THE  LITERATURE  OF  HATE  815 

number  of  German  uhlans  were  revealed.  The 
officers  commanding  the  companies  crossed  swords 
and  shook  hands  while  the  assembly  sang  the 
'  Wacht  am  Rhein '  and  '  God  save  Ireland.' 

"  Sir  Roger  Casement  has  long  been  a  thorn 
in  the  side  of  the  English  Government,  therefore 
the  latter  has  not  shrunk  from  making  a  murderous 
conspiracy  against  the  life  of  this  distinguished 
Irish  leader.  In  agreement  with  Sir  Edward  Grey, 
the  British  Minister  in  Christiania,  Mr.  Findlay, 
tried  to  bribe  Casement's  companion — named 
Christensen — to  murder  Sir  Roger.  The  attempted 
murder  did  not  succeed,  but  the  original  docu- 
ments are  in  the  possession  of  the  German  Foreign 
Office,  so  that  all  doubt  is  excluded  as  to  the 
English  Government's  participation — with  their 
most  honourable  Grey  at  the  head — in  this 
Machiavellian  plan." 

This  colossal  Germanism  concerning  a  plan  to 
murder  Sir  Roger  Casement  has  been  assiduously 
spread  throughout  the  German  Press.  The  Berlin 
Government  allows  the  German  people  to  believe 
that  incriminating  documents  are  in  their  posses- 
sion, and  the  vilest  statements  to  blacken  Mr. 
Findlay's  character  were  printed  in  German  news- 
papers when  that  gentleman  was  appointed  to 
the  Bulgarian  Court  in  Sofia. 

There  are  so  few  utterances  in  German  war 
literature,  which  display  reason  or  even  modera- 
tion, that  the  author  feels  glad  to  be  in  a  position 
to    cite    two.       In     the     May    number    of    the 


816  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

Siiddeutsche-Monatshefte^  Professor  Wilhelm  Franz 
(Tubingen)  reviewed  one  of  the  hate-books,  viz., 
a  work  entitled  "  Pedlars  and  Heroes  "  by  a  German 
named  Sombart.  A  few  passages  will  suffice  to 
show  that  Germany  is  not  quite  devoid  of  straight- 
forward men,  who  dare  to  castigate  hate. 

"  Towards  the  end  of  his  book,  Sombart 
solemnly  assures  the  English  that  '  they  need  not 
fear  us  as  a  colonizing  power  ;  we  (the  Germans) 
have  not  the  least  ambition  to  conquer  half- 
civilized  and  barbarian  peoples  in  order  to  fill 
them  with  German  spirit  (Geist).  But  the 
English  can  colonize  and  fill  such  peoples  with 
their  spirit — for  they  have  none,  or  at  least  only 
a  pedlar's.' 

"  It  would  never  occur  to  any  sane  man  to 
refute  effusions  of  this  kind,  for  they  cannot  be 
taken  seriously..  Still  I  cannot  but  wish  that  an 
angry  English  journalist  with  his  clever  and  fiery 
pen,  would  fall  upon  Sombart's  book  and  give 
its  author  a  sample  of  English  spirit.  The  work 
teems  with  unjust,  incorrect  opinions ;  is  full  of 
crass  ignorance  and  grotesque  exaggerations,  which 
lead  the  unlearned  astray,  injure  Germany's  cause, 
and  annoy  those  who  know  better — so  far  as  they 
do  not  excite  ridicule. 

"  What  is  one  to  think  when  Sombart  asks  his 
readers  :  '  What  single  cultural  work  has  emerged 
from  the  great  shop,  England,  since  Shakespeare 
— except  that  political  abortion  the  English 
State  ?  ' 


THE  LITERATURE  OF  HATE  Sir 

"  If  I  had  to  answer  Sombart  I  should  say,  the 
great  shop  has  given  the  English  State  practically 
everything  which  makes  for  internal  peace, 
solidarity  and  national  health.  It  has  enabled 
the  nation  to  exercise  tolerance  within,  and 
develop  splendour  and  power  without,  which  in 
their  turn  have  made  Britannia  the  mistress  of 
the  world's  waterways,  and  the  British  the  first 
colonial  nation  in  the  world. 

"  England's  cultural  development  has  brought 
all  these  since  Shakespeare's  time  ;  energy,  will- 
power, united  with  high  endeavour  to  realize 
great  aims  and  overcome  mighty  resistance.  And 
the  basis  of  this  splendid  progress  which  compels 
the  admiration  of  all  other  States,  was  what 
Sombart  presumes  to  call  an  '  abortion.'  " 

The  other  is  taken  from  "  Der  englische  Gedanke 
in  Deutschland"  ("The  English  -  Idea  in  Ger- 
many,") by  Ernst  Miiller-Holm,  p.  72.  "  It  is  not 
true  that  all  Englishmen  are  scoundrels.  It  is  not 
true  that  there  is  nothing  but  pedlar's  spirit  in 
England,  and  because  it  is  not  true  it  should  not 
be  said,  not  even  in  these  times  when  war  passions 
run  high. 

"The  fatherland  of  Shakespeare,  Byron  and 
Thackeray ;  the  home  of  Newton,  Adam  Smith, 
Darwin  and  Lyell  will  ever  remain  a  land  of  honour 
to  educated  Germans.  Where  would  it  end  if  I 
were  to  count  up  the  heroes  of  English  intellect 
whose  names  are  written  in  letters  of  gold  in 
humanity's  great  book  ?  " 


818  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

It  is  well  to  conclude  this  chapter  of  hate  with 
two  quotations  which  breathe  respect.  The  author 
does  not  believe  that  German  hate  will  be  so  long- 
enduring  as  the  hate-mongers  would  have  us  think. 
Rather,  he  is  convinced  that  mutual  interest  will 
force  the  two  nations  together  within  one  or  two 
decades.  Preparatory  for  that  day,  it  is  Britain's 
duty  to  compel  Germany's  respect. 

There  are  good,  even  magnificent  forces  in  the 
German  nation ;  there  are  still  noble-minded, 
high-thinking  Germans  who  yearn  to  work  in  the 
great  civiHzing  world  enterprises.  But — and 
therein  hes  the  tragedy — "  the  good,  the  true, 
the  pure,  the  just  "  are  not  to-day  the  predomi- 
nating powers.  They  must  work  out  their  own 
salvation  ;  but  if  the  time  ever  comes  when  the 
finest  and  best  German  thought  directs  Germany's 
destinies,  then  there  will  be  no  lack  of  sympathizers 
in  this  country,  who  will  hail  the  day  as  the  advent 
of  a  new  world  era.  For  the  present,  all  mutual 
jealousies,  all  the  burning  ambitions,  all  quarrels 
and  hate,  are  submitted  to  the  arbitrament  of  the 
sword.  If  Britain  only  wields  her  sword  so  well 
and  honourably,  as  to  gain  unstinted  victory, 
that  will  prove  to  be  the  firmest  basis  for  future 
respect  and  enduring  peace. 


CHAPTER  XIII 


"  MAN    TO    MAN    AND    STEEL   TO    STEEL  " 

ScotL 

MENTION  has  already  been  made  of 
German  disrespect,  even  contempt  for 
England  and  the  English.  One  of  the  reasons  for 
this  contempt  was  the  smallness  of  the  British  army, 
and  the  fact  that  our  soldiers  are  paid  servants 
of  the  country.  Germans  apparently  never  could 
comprehend  why  a  man  should  receive  payment 
for  serving  his  country  by  bearing  arms,  and  that 
fact  appeared  to  them  to  afford  overwhelming 
evidence  of  the  pedlar-soul  (Kramer geist).  The 
second  conclusion  drawn,  has  generally  been  that 
the  Britisher  is  devoid  of  all  sense  of  duty  and 
self-sacrificing  patriotism.  Probably  the  flocking 
of  several  million  men  to  arms  in  defence  of  the 
Empire,  and  in  defence  of  British  conceptions 
of  right  and  wrong  has  done  something  to  con- 
vince Germans  that  the  premises  of  the  syllogism, 
were  not  so  self-evident  as  they  had  imagined. 

"  Among  all  the  great  European  Powers, 
England  is  the  only  one  which  has  not  intro- 
duced national  service  and  remained  true  to  the 

319 


320  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

principle  of  keeping  an  army  of  paid  soldiers. 
Hence,  when  in  all  other  lands  at  the  outbreak  of 
war,  the  entire  people  stands  ready  to  defend 
the  national  honour,  England  is  compelled  to 
beat  the  recruiting  drums  before  she  can  wage 
war."  * 

"  England  wages  war  on  business  lines.  It  is 
not  the  sons  of  the  land  who  bleed  for  Britannia's 
honour ;  mercenaries  from  the  four  corners  of 
the  world — including  blacks — carry  on  the  war 
as  a  trade  for  England's  business  world  and  nobility. 
England  might  well  smirk  as  she  uttered  blessings 
on  the  Triple  Entente,  for  has  she  not  borne 
the  brand  of  perfidy  for  centuries  ?  Her  breast 
conceals  the  meanest  pedlar's  spirit  in  the  world. 

"  Every  battle  which  Russia  loses  is  a  victory 
for  England,  and  every  defeat  which  France 
suffers  means  profit  for  England.  She  can  afford 
to  wait  till  her  allies  are  beaten  and  then  take 
over  their  business.  '  First  come,  first  served  ' 
does  not  hold  good  in  England's  case  ;  for  her 
motto  is,  the  last  to  come  gets  the  prize. 

"  Twelve  Powers  declared  war  on  Germany. 
Then  Japan,  the  thirteenth,  poked  out  her  yellow 
face  and  demanded  Kiau  Chou.  A  hyena  had 
smelt  corpses,  but  the  blackmailing  Mongol 
received  no  reply  to  his  ultimatum.     Grim  laughter 

•  Dr.  H.  Hirschberg  :  "  Wie  John  Bull  seine  Soldner  wirbt  "  ("  How 
John  Bull  recruits  his  Mercenaries "),  p.  3.  Hirschberg  reproduces 
in  facsimile  a  large  number  of  the  recruiting  placards  which  have  deco- 
rated the  British  Isles  since  the  outbreak  of  war.  "  Your  King  and 
Country  need  you  "  is  also  given  (English  and  German)  with  music. 


"  MAN  TO  MAN,  STEEL  TO  STEEL  "  321 

was  heard  in  Germany — booming,  bitter  laughter 
at  the  band  of  thieves  who  hoped  to  plunder  us. 
And  in  the  wantonness  of  their  righteous  wrath, 
German  soldiers  scribbled  on  the  barrack  walls 
an  immortal  sentence :  '  Declarations  of  war 
thankfully  received  1 '  "* 

"  How  wickedly  the  war  was  forced  upon 
Germany !  A  ring  of  enemies  surrounded  her. 
Envy  and  ill-will  were  their  motives,  but  they 
lacked  the  right  measure  for  Germany's  greatness. 
Our  people  stand  invincible,  united,  staking  life 
and  everything  they  have — till  the  last  enemy 
lies  in  the  dust. 

"  Not  much  longer  and  the  goal  will  be  attained  ; 
the  many-sided  attack  has  been  smashed  and  the 
war  carried  into  enemy  lands.  Shining  glory 
has  been  won  by  Germany's  armies.  The  passion- 
ate elan  of  our  soldiers,  their  death-despising 
bravery  and  one-minded  strength,  have  gained 
victory  after  victory. 

"  Revenge  begins  to  glow  against  the  originator 
of  the  world-conflagration — against  false  England  ! 
Mute  and  astonished  the  world  saw  her  baseness 
— wondering  at  her  greatness  and  her  sin.  Envy 
and  ill-will  inspired  her  to  cast  the  lives  of  millions 
into  the  scales,  to  open  the  flood-gates  of  bloody 
to  spread  pain  and  unspeakable  misery — herself 
coldly  smiling. 

"  What  are  men's  lives  to  England  ?     She  pays 

*  A.  Fendrich  :  "  Gegen  Frankreich  und  Albion  "  ("  Against  France 
and  Albion  ").     Stuttgart,  1915  ;  pp.  11-12. 

21 


822  WHAT  GERMANY   THINKS 

for  them.  Her  army  of  mercenaries  which  was 
to  force  her  yoke  on  Europe,  is  paid  with  the  gold 
of  blackmailers.  She  sends  hirelings  into  the  field 
to  defend  the  inheritance  of  her  ancestors ;  paid 
mercenaries  fight  for  her  most  sacred  possessions, 
while  those  who  pay  the  blood-money  throng  to 
see  the  masterly  exponents  of  football.  And  Eng- 
land is  proud  of  her  splendid  sons  who  prefer 
this  intellectual  game  to  stern  battle  with  the 
enemy. 

"  How  different  it  is  with  our  men !  With 
shouts  of  joy  they  march  forth  to  meet  the  foe, 
offering  their  lives  in  a  spirit  of  glad  sacrifice  for 
the  highest  and  best  which  the  world  has  to  offer 
humanity.  Storming  forwards  with  the  song, 
'  Deutschland,  Deutschland  iiber  alles,'  our  youth- 
ful hosts,  greeting  death  with  a  smile,  hurl 
themselves  upon  the  enemy.  Truly,  wherever  and 
80  long  as  men  are  men,  the  glory  of  our  warriors 
will  find  remembrance  in  brave  hearts."* 

"  It  would  be  neither  right  nor  just  to  accuse 
English  soldiers  of  a  want  of  courage.  They  have 
fought  everywhere,  by  land  and  sea,  with  respect- 
inspiring  gallantry — for  mercenaries  !  But  the 
warlike  virtues  of  England's  armies  cannot  atone 
for  the  cowardice  with  which  she  has  conducted 
the  struggle  for  naval  supremacy.  Albion  means 
England's  rulers.  And  this  England  of  Messrs. 
Grey    and    Churchill,    has    covered    herself   with 

•  J.    Bermbach  :      "  Zittere,    England  !  "    ("  England,   tremble  !  "). 
Weimar,  19 15;  p.  5  et  seq. 


"  MAN  TO  MAN,  STEEL  TO  STEEL  "  323 

shame  for  all  time  by  the  manner  of  her  warfare 
on  sea. 

"  Albion  has  not  changed.  She  has  hidden 
her  battleships  in  the  bays  of  northern  Ireland, 
and  conducts  war  on  sea — not  against  our  ships 
and  soldiers,  but  against  those  at  home,  German 
women  and  children  !  *  The  pinch  of  hunger 
makes  the  heart  weak,'  said  the  noble-minded 
Churchill."* 

"  According  to  its  composition  the  English 
army  is  an  army  of  mercenaries.  On  that  account, 
however,  it  would  be  a  great  mistake  to  despise 
the  quality  of  the  soldiers  or  to  cherish  contempt 
for  them.  The  standard  of  physical  fitness 
demanded  of  the  recruits  was — at  least  up  till  a 
short  time  ago — more  severe  than  that  imposed 
in  other  lands.  There  is  no  doubt,  our  German 
brothers  who  have  met  the  English  on  the  field 
of  battle,  admit  that  they  fight  not  only  with 
valour  but  with  unyielding  stubbornness. 

"  This  results  not  so  much  from  barrack-yard 
drill  and  field  manoeuvres,  as  from  the  practical 
experience  of  warfare  gained  in  many  campaigns. 
England  is  occupied  almost  uninterruptedly,  in 
warlike  enterprises  in  some  part  of  the  world  or 
other.  Further,  the  officers — belonging  mostly  to 
the  upper  circles — have  distinguished  themselves  in 
the  field  by  a  rash  bravery  which  was  marked  perhaps, 
not  so  much  by  military  as  sportsmanlike  behaviour. 

"  All  in   all  the  strategic   value  of  the  English 

♦  Fendrich  :   "  Gegen  Frankreich  und  Albion,"  p.  152  et  seq. 

21* 


824  WHAT   GERMANY   THINKS 

army  in  regard  to  leadership,  training,  discipline 
and  the  spirit  of  the  troops,  cannot  compare  with 
the  conscript  armies  of  other  lands — especially  the 
German  army.  Yet  the  contempt  which  has 
been  expressed  for  it  in  the  Press  as  an  army  of 
hirelings,  is  just  as  little  merited  to-day  as  it  was 
in  the  past  when  it  added  many  a  glorious  page 
to  England's  history. 

"  These  remarks  are  intended  as  a  refutation 
to  the  reproaches  made  against  the  English  army. 
It  is  true,  those  unjust  criticisms  did  not  originate 
with  experts,  or  they  would  imply  a  dangerous 
under-estimation  of  the  enemy.  But  in  conse- 
quence of  the  widespread  acceptance  among  the 
masses  they  unjustly  feed  the  fires  of  hate."* 


"  For  the  last  ten  days  we  have  been  resting  to 
the  west  of  Lille  not  far  from  Armentieres  ;  an 
EngHsh  army  is  opposed  to  us.  My  battery  is  one 
of  the  links  in  the  long  chain  of  growlerst  which 
daily  pour  fire  and  iron  on  to  the  enemy.  We 
gave  up  counting  the  days  and  fights,  for  every  day 
has  its  battle.  Besides  the  English  there  are  Indian 
troops,  and  a  few  French  batteries  in  front  of  us. 

"  Every  day  confirms  our  experience  that  we 
are  faced  by  an  enemy  with  incomparable  powers 
of  resistance  and  endurance.     An  enemy  who  can 

*  Dr.  G.  Landauer  :   "  England."     Vienna  ;  191 5,  pp.  74-5- 

t  The  Germans  call  their  big  guns  "  Brummer,"  i.e.^  growler. — 
Author. 


"  MAN  TO  MAN,  STEEL  TO  STEEL  "  325 

hardly  be  shaken  by  the  sharpest  rifle-fire  or  the 
most  awful  rain  of  shell  and  shrapnel.  We  gain 
ground  slowly,  exceedingly  slowly,  and  every  step 
of  soil  has  to  be  paid  for  dearly. 

"  In  the  trenches  taken  by  storm  the  English 
dead  lie  in  rows,  just  like  men  who  had  not  winced 
or  yielded  before  the  bayonets  of  the  stormers. 
From  the  military  point  of  view  it  must  be  ad- 
mitted that  such  an  enemy  deserves  the  greatest 
respect.  The  English  have  adapted  the  experiences 
gained  in  their  colonial  wars  to  European  condi- 
tions in  a  particularly  clever  manner. 

"  Every  attempt  to  cross  the  canal  was  thwarted 
by  artillery  fire  and  in  many  places  the  enemy 
was  more  advantageously  situated  than  our  men. 
His  trenches  were  at  least  dry  while  ours  were 
flooded  with  water.  I  went  into  the  front  trenches 
by  Dixmude  and  found  them  lined  half  a  yard 
deep  with  faggots  and  wood,  yet  at  every  step  our 
feet  sank  into  the  water  and  slush. 

"  On  the  other  bank  of  the  Yser  lay  the  enemy 
and  fired  continuously.  Anyone  who  saw  our 
soldiers  under  these  conditions  and  heard  their 
jokes  will  never  forget  the  sight.  All  the  folk  at 
home  who  grumbled  at  the  slow  progress  ought  to 
have  been  sent  for  a  single  day  and  night  into  that 
mud-swamp  ! 

"  In  those  fields  and  canals,  in  this  endless  morass 
— made  impassable  by  flooding — many,  many  brave 
German  soldiers  have  sacrificed  their  lives.  During 
the  autumn  and  winter  months  of  1914  the  whole 


826  WHAT   GERMANY  THINKS 

Yser  domain  was  transformed  into  a  vast  grave- 
yard. 

"  The  battle-front  was  determined  by  the  nature 
of  the  land.  It  stretched  from  the  sea  through 
Ramscapelle,  Dixmude,  Roulers,  Paschendaal  to 
Ypres  and  the  rage  of  battle  swayed  like  a  tossing 
ship  in  ocean  storm.  Even  now  Germany  does 
not  know  the  greatness  and  terror  of  the  battles 
fought  there.  Only  names  are  known,  such  as 
Middelkerke,  Zonnebeeke,  Warneton,  etc. 

"  The  Belgians  fought  with  the  courage  of 
despair.  Their  battle-cry  was  '  Louvain !  '  and 
*  Termonde !  '  Highlanders,  Indians,  Sikhs, 
Ghurkas,  Zouaves,  Turkos,  Canadians,  Belgians, 
French  and  English  were  thrown  into  the  line,  and 
ever-new  regiments  landed  at  Calais.  Houses  and 
villages  were  taken  and  re-taken  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet,  as  many  as  seven  times.  Towns  and 
bridges  were  conquered  and  lost  often  eight  times 
in  succession,  accompanied  by  heavy  artillery  duels 
and  incredible  losses."  * 

"  Wet  have  just  gone  into  billets.  Not  far  off 
are  the  positions  of  the  enemy — the  English.  There 
will  be  a  battle  to-morrow  and  everybody  is  serious. 
Mostly  by  the  evening,  we  are  too  tired  to  think, 
but  it  is  not  so  to-day. 

•  Heinrich  Binder :  "  Mit  dem  Hauptquartier  nach  Westen," 
p.  123  et  seq. 

t  Extracts  from  the  diary  of  a  German  soldier,  published  in  "  D«f 
Weltkrieg  "  ("  The  World  War  ").     Leipzig,  191 5  ;  p.  632  et  seq. 


"  MAN  TO  MAN,  STEEL  TO  STEEL  "     827 

"  Again  and  again  I  arrive  at  the  same  conclusion 
— ^war  is  too  great  a  thing  to  comprehend.  Now 
we  are  going  into  battle  with  the  black-white- 
gold  band  on  our  breasts.  Greetings  to  you  all  at 
home,  above  all  to  you,  father.  I  have  your  blessing, 
haven't  I  ? 

"  October  24th. — We  are  lying  before  the  road 
from  Ypres  to  Paschendaal.  The  Lt. -Colonel 
has  just  told  us  that  '  the  losses  cannot  go  on  at  this 
rate.'  By  the  side  of  the  brook,  on  this  side  the 
road,  English  sharpshooters  are  in  hiding.  They 
shoot  damned  straight.  Our  artillery  is  not  yet 
up  ;   the  reason  for  our  heavy  losses  yesterday. 

"  The  infantry  advance  with  a  rush  towards  the 
windmill,  but  we  no  sooner  top  the  hill  than  the 
English  machine  guns  begin  to  rattle.  Our  front 
ranks  are  mown  down.  Every  attempt  to  advance 
fails.  The  order  was  given  to  lie  down  and  there 
we  remained  for  four  hours.  Then  we  rush  one 
after  the  other  through  a  hedge.  When  darkness 
fell  we  had  nearly  reached  the  English  trenches,  but 
were  recalled  and  spent  the  night  in  our  trench. 

"  The  next  morning  passed  quietly,  except  for 
rifle-fire.  Captain  von  K.  was  hit,  and  rolled  over 
in  front  of  the  trench.  Three  comrades  crept 
out  one  after  the  other  to  fetch  him — all  three  fell. 
At  last  our  wounded  captain  was  still  too — killed 
by  a  second  bullet.  Being  compelled  to  watch 
this  scene  without  power  to  help,  was  the  beginning 
of  our  day. 

"  Just  after  mid-day  the  music  began.     Crash  ! 


328  WHAT  GERMANY  THINKS 

a  shell  lands  in  our  trench  on  the  right.  A  short 
pause,  and  crash  follows  crash  as  the  shells  are 
dropped  into  our  trench  at  distances  of  four  yards. 
Death  walks  slowly  up  the  trench  towards  us.  We 
know  that  he  is  coming,  we  see  him.  Everybody  is 
lying   flat    on    the   ground.     We    are    waiting    for 


our 


sheU. 


"  If  we  had  a  communication  trench  we  could 
escape — but  there  isn't  one.  We  reckon  the  dis- 
tance :  twenty-five  yards  away  another  direct  hit. 
Crash !  only  twenty  yards.  Fifteen  yards !  We 
have  only  five  minutes  to  live.  Thoughts  of  God 
and  home  and  parents  rush  through  the  mind  ;  yet 
they  are  only  numb  feelings.  Crash  !  ten  yards ; 
one  more  and  then  comes  '  ours.'  But  no,  the  next 
boom  was  in  the  trench  behind,  and  in  the  same 
manner  that  trench  was  cleared  from  end  to  end, 

"  '  Lieutenant  T.  killed,  Lieutenant  K.  takes 
ijommand '  was  passed  along.  We  have  hardly 
left  the  trench  when  bullets  begin  to  whistle  round 
our  heads.  Man  after  man  remains  behind.  At 
last  night  sinks  and  hides  the  horrors  of  the  day. 
I  have  lost  my  company  and  spend  the  night  in 
the  open  with  a  few  others. 

"  The  next  morning  the  sun  shone  brightly ; 
the  morning  wind  blows  coldly  over  the  furrows 
and  over  the  dead.  I  have  no  words  to  describe 
what  I  saw — but  my  heart  bled  !  Near  Paschen- 
daal  I  found  my  company.  Altogether  there  are 
thirty  of  us — out  of  two  hundred  and  fifty." 


"  MAN  TO  MAN,  STEEL  TO  STEEL  "  329 

German  war  literature  affords  a  complete  picture 
of  the  transformation  of  German  contempt  for  the 
British  army  into  profound  respect.  As  witness 
the  following  : 

"  It  cannot  be  denied  that  the  English  have 
supported  Joifre's  offensive  with  valour,  strength 
and  vigour.  The  battles  which  have  raged  since 
the  end  of  September  on  the  front  between 
Givenchy  la  Gobelle  and  Armentieres,  have  con- 
firmed the  deadly  seriousness  of  the  English.  And 
if  they  have  not  obtained  great  successes,  still,  in 
this  gigantic  grapple,  they  have  displayed  desperate 
courage  which  compels  the  admiration  of  their 
opponents. 

"  The  Commander  of  a  division,  with  whom  I 
spent  the  last  few  days,  said  to  me  in  a  tone  of  deep 
conviction  :  '  Nobody  must  talk  lightly  of  English 
soldiers  in  my  presence.  Their  bravery  and  the 
extraordinary  courage  of  English  officers  compels 
my  admiration.  Regimental  commanders  and  staff 
officers  advanced  in  the  first  line  of  their  troops. 
They  fight  and  fall  by  the  side  of  their  men.  I  saw 
several  high  officers  killed  myself.'  Besides,  I 
have  heard  his  Excellency's  words  confirmed  by 
many  of  his  officers."* 

In  a  previous  work  the  author  has  expressed  the 
opinion  that  Great   Britain  must   employ  all  her 

*  Julius  Hirsch,  War  Correspondent  with  the  German  Army,  in  the 
Frankiscber  Kurier,  October  22nd,  191 5. 


330  WHAT   GERMANY   THINKS 

strength  in  this,  the  greatest  of  all  wars,  and  in 
concluding  this  work  he  repeats  that  warning  still 
more  emphatically.  Only  a  true  realization  of  the 
inevitable  fact  that  British  democracy  is  on  trial 
by  battle — "  man  to  man  and  steel  to  steel " — 
will  give  the  necessary  courage,  endurance,  faith 
and  hope  to  bring  the  issue  to  a  victorious  end. 


THE    END 


INDEX 


INDEX 


Alleged  ill-treatment  of  Ger- 
mans IN  Belgium,  155  ^/  seq. 

Appreciation,  a  German,  of 
England,  316. 

Atrocities,  17$  et  seq. 

Attack  on  Liege  by  a  Zeppelin, 
155-6. 

Attitude  of  Germany  and  Austria, 
25- 


Battle  of  the  Marne,  234  et  seq. 
Belgian     kindness     to     Germans, 

160  et  seq. 
Belgrade  during  the  crisis,  18  et  seq. 
Bethmann-Hollweg  falsely  accuses 

Russia  of  causing   the  war,   62 

et  seq. 
Bismarck,  jj,  81-2,  224. 
Britain's   position    in    the   world, 

257  et  seq. 
British,  accused  of  plundering,  i88. 

Army,  319  ^<  seq. 

General  Staff's  guide-books 

to  Belgium,  202,  and  footnote. 

inefficiency,  303  et  seq. 

Navy,  323. 

Socialists,  iii,  footnote. 

Brutal  treatment  of  foreigners  in 

Germany,  87  et  seq. 


Courage  of  British  Army,  329. 
Demonstrations    in    favour    of 

WAR,  9. 

Diplomatic  battles,  265. 

England's  attitude,  54. 

heir,  307. 

neutrality,  German  offers  for, 

54. 
Excitement  in  Germany,  42. 

French  airmen,  alleged  attack 
near  Nuremberg,  59  et  seq, 

alleged   attack  on  Frankfort, 

61-2. 

German  brutality  towards 
Germans,  84  et  seq.,  98  et  seq.y 
158. 

Chancellor's   speech   in   the 

Reichstag,  47  et  seq. 

comment  on  the  conference 

proposal,  22. 

Crown  Prince,  250-1. 

frontiers,  alleged  violation  by 

the  French,  52-3,  58. 
General  Staff,  did  it  conspire 

to  bring  about  war  ?   58  et  seq. 


884 


INDEX 


German  efficiency,  301. 

invasion  of  France,   229  it 

seq. 

losses,  80. 

methods,  107. 

mobilization,  34,  42,  51,  56 

et  seq.,  69  et  seq. 

nerves,  37. 

opinion  of  England,  301. 

plundering,  198. 

Press  plays  Germany  a  foul 

trick,  55  tf/  seq. 

provocation     to     Belgians 

before  the  war,  159. 

State,  a  Nirvana,  300. 

German  Socialists,  4,  12,  logetseq. 
and  conscription,  iiz  et  seq., 

119. 

and  universal  peace,  118. 

cheer  the  announcement  that 

Germany     had     invaded     two 

neutral  countries,  128. 

help     Kaiser's    government, 

163. 

support  the  war,  122  et  seq. 

vote  for  a  war  of  aggression, 

128. 
y  why  they  supported  the  war, 

126. 
German     Socialists'    attitude    to 

England,  143  et  seq. 

campaign  against  Russia,  132. 

class-war,  125. 

peace  programme,  140  et  seq. 

proclamation  on  August  ist, 

1 9 14,  120-1. 
German  troops  enter  Belgium  and 

Luxembourg,  53. 

unity,  55. 

war  against  civilians,  155,  158, 


German  White  Book  on  atrocitiei 

by   the    Belgians,  102  footnote, 

177  et  seq. 
Germans     charge     French     with 

looting,  238  et  seq. 

enter  Brussels,  167. 

invade  Belgium,  152. 

Germany  declares  war  on  France, 

60. 

declares  war  on  Russia,  46. 

made  peace  impossible,  65-6. 

rejects  British  friendship,  261. 

Germany's     alleged     efforts      for 

peace,  24,  29,  49. 

case,  2^6  et  seq. 

case  against  Belgian  civilians, 

17  s  et  seq. 
hunt    for    phantom    gold, 

100  et  seq. 
hunt  for  spies,  88  et  seq.^  98 

et  seq. 

re-birth,  74  et  seq. 

ultimatum  to  Russia,  41. 

Grey,  Sir  Edward,  277  et  seq. 
Grey's,    Sir    Edward,    conference 

proposal,  21,  25  et  seq.,  46. 

Haldane    Lord,     194,    201,    269 

et  seq. 
Hate  literature,  290  et  seq. 
Heligoland  prepared  for  war,  67-8. 

Ill-treatment,  alleged,  of  Ger- 
mans BY  THE  British,  308  et  seq. 

Ireland  and  Germany,  313  tfr  seq. 

Iron  Crosses,  242. 

Italian  Socialists  condemn  their 
German  comrades,  135. 

Japan,  37,  320. 


INDEX 


335 


Kaiser's  return  to  Berlin,  40. 

threat,  47. 

threat  to  England,  262. 

Kdnigin  Luise  starts  to  lay  minei 
round  the  English  coast,  68. 

Lassalle's    opinion    of    Austria, 

>39- 

Last  protest  against  war,  12. 

Legend  of  gouged-out  eyes,  181 
et  seq. 

Letter  of  Belgian  Legation  Secre- 
tary, 279  et  seq. 

Louvain,  167. 

Lying,  a  foundation-stone  of 
German  policy,  55. 

Macdonald,  Mr.  Ramsay,  277, 
285,  287. 

Martial  law  proclaimed  in  Ger- 
many, 38  «/  seq. 

Militarism,  spirit  of,  162  et  seq. 

Necessity  knows  no  law,  53,  55, 

i^i  et  seq. 
Neutrality  of  Belgium,  197  et  seq. 
"  Now  there  are  only  Germans," 

47. 

Oncken,  Professor  Hermann, 
28-9. 

Opinion  in  France  at  the  out- 
break of  war,  226  et  seq. 

Peace,  did  Germany  work  for  ? 

284. 
Poisoned    water-supply    scare,    95 

et  seq. 
Press,     German,     condemns     the 

Austrian  ultimatum,  3  et  seq.      i 


Prince  Heinrich's  telegram  to 
King  George,  65. 

Proclamation  of  the  Social  Demo- 
crats, July  25  th,  1 9 14,  4. 

Propaganda  for  the  annexation 
of  Belgium,  2 1 3  ^f  seq. 

Reconciliation  with  Germany, 
318. 

Roman  Catholic  Church  refutes 
German  atrocity  legends,  179 
et  seq. 

Russia  ignores  the  German  ulti- 
matum, 51-2. 

Russia's  attitude  during  the  crisis, 
15,  18. 

military  measures,  8,  17,  38, 

49  et  seq. 

right  to  intervene,  16. 

Secret  Belgian  documents 
SEIZED  IN  Brussels,  272-3. 

Social  Democratic  demonstrations 
against  war,  11. 

Social  Democrats'  report  on  Bel- 
gium, 1 61-2. 

Socialists,  German,  vote  for  war, 
129  et  seq. 

Spy  scare  and  its  results,  87  et  seq. 

Status  of  German  professors, 
194-5. 

Swiss  Neutral  on  Belgian  neu- 
trality, 19 1-2. 

Terms  of  Triple  Alliance,  32. 

Treatment  of  Belgian  civilians, 
16^  et  seq. 

Trevelyan's,  Mr.  Charles,  remark- 
able promise,  273. 


336  INDEX 

Tricks  of  the  German  Press,  62.  Volksstaat    (People's    State),     113 

et  seq. 
Unprepared    condition    of    the 
Franco-Belgian  frontier,  209 
"  s^q-  War  delirium,  8,  14,  45. 

Warsaw  citadel  blown  up,  33. 
Violation    of    Belgian    neutra-      Wolff's  News  Agency,  95,  97,  103, 
UTY,  66.  105,  107,  154. 


Printed  at  The  Chapel  River  Press,  Kingston,  Surrey. 


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